The presence of Puma, Puma concolor, has been controversial in El Salvador due to the lack of published, verifiable data. We surveyed 119 sites in Montecristo National Park and 17 sites in the Río Sapo basin using wildlife cameras. We detected Pumas in both areas, representing the first photographic records for El Salvador. We call for a national Puma conservation strategy with research in basic ecology and migration corridors, regulation of hunting, management of livestock losses, and public acceptance programs. The Río Sapo basin should be granted formal protection.
This article is an introduction to a special issue on 'Religious Toleration in the Age of Enlightenment'. It begins by characterizing the Enlightenment's attitude towards religion as an opposition to bigotry and ecclesiastic authority based on a particular interpretation of the European Wars of Religion. Then it acknowledges the problematic nature of the phrase 'Age of Enlightenment', which seems to push some of the most relevant eighteenth-century realities to the margins of history. Next, it challenges some common scholarly assumptions regarding Enlightenment ideas on tolerance. In particular, it disputes that these ideas were essentially principled, secular, pluralist and liberal. By way of conclusion, this introductory article suggests that the Enlightenment's main contribution to the history of toleration is found not in the originality or subtlety of its ideas, but rather in the promotion of a new mentality according to which toleration came to be regarded as an essential feature of modern civilization.
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish "national Catholicism" did not emerge until the second half of the 19 th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called "serviles": 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the "anti-Spain"; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions.
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