Nie ulega wątpliwości, że zarówno Unia Europejska, jak i Chiny odgrywają dziś – obok Stanów Zjednoczonych – główne role na arenie międzynarodowej. We wzajemnych relacjach mają status partnerów strategicznych i starają się rozwijać współpracę we wszystkich dziedzinach, ale też występują między nimi różnice zdań i stanowisk w wielu istotnych sprawach. Na łamach niniejszego artykułu próbuję pokazać przesłanki, szanse i zagrożenia dla obu tych aktorów na arenie międzynarodowej oraz ich wzajemne relacje dziś i w przyszłości. Ponadto próbuję zweryfikować kontrowersyjną – moim zdaniem – hipotezę, lansowaną przez wielu badaczy, a która zakłada, że wiek XXI będzie wiekiem Azji, czyli de facto Chin. Na temat współczesnych Chin i ich roli na arenie międzynarodowej oraz stosunków z Unią Europejską ukazało się już dużo publikacji na całym świecie, ale wciąż nie wiemy dokąd tak naprawdę Chiny zmierzają i czy Unia Europejska nie rozpadnie się w XXI wieku? Istnieją też wątpliwości odnośnie chińskiego „zwrotu w kierunku multilateralizmu”. Zdaniem niektórych badaczy, ma on całkowicie pozorny charakter i służy tylko do kamuflowania dalekosiężnych celów ChRL, czyli przejęcia przez nią kontroli nad światem w drugiej połowie XXI wieku.
There is no doubt that the European Union, as a result of the European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, uniting Europe, which decided to eliminate war forever. Unfortunately, the idea of “eternal peace” has not materialised fully yet. The article aims to present the European Union at present, facing an ongoing crisis. The article discusses strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although it became substantially stronger expanding to the East – does not cope with many economic, political, social and international problems nowadays. The main thesis is the statement that the EU requires a complete overhaul so that it might continue to develop and be the European integration drive. If it does not happen, the EU will start to disintegrate and will finally collapse or become nothing more but just a free trade zone.
The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.
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