Experimental and survey data were gathered from residents of a large urban neighborhood with a community wide curbside recycling program in order to determine the extent to which recycling could be conceptualized as altruistic behavior. Results confirmed that recycling behavior is consistent with Schwartz's altruism model, according to which behavior is influenced by social norms, personal norms, and awareness of consequences. Data further showed that a block-leader program, in which residents encouraged their neighbors to recycle, influenced altruistic norms and increased recycling behavior. Prompting and information strategies were also introduced into the community recycling program as experimental interventions in order to com- pare their effects with the block-leader approach. Results showed that prompting and information increased recycling behavior but did not affect norms and attitudes. Further- more, all the intervention strategies influenced behavior independently of the measured norms; block leaders had the most substantial impact, prompts had the next greatest impact, and information had the least.

We present a qualitative analysis of students' written narratives of gender norm violation projects-for example, women smoking cigars, repairing cars, wearing moustaches; men doing housework, carrying purses, wearing nail polish, crying in public-in terms relevant to theoretical literature that problematizes heterosexuality. We show that routinely unquestioned heteronormative expectations and proscriptions that exist as background context in contemporary culture come to the fore when traditional gender boundaries are crossed. Further, we show that heteronormativity itself is gendered via the homosexualization of disruptive men and heterosexualization of disruptive women. This article discusses and compares how compulsory heterosexuality operates differently for women and men. We describe and give examples of different ways in which students and others sexualize even unexplicitly sexual actions and appearances. These tactics of sexualization include homophobic disclaimers, homophobic labeling, and heterosexualization. The concept "heterogender" best captures these common ways of interpreting gender norm violations. We discuss findings in terms of the importance of empirical inquiry to a primarily theoretical literature, the fact that gender differences are actively maintained, and the distinction between institutionalized and experienced heterosexuality. Our findings generally support radical feminist, cultural feminist, and queer theories of gender inequality, all of which focus on enforced heterosexuality. "There's a totally cute girl smoking a fucking cigar in my section," confided a waitress to her manager in a restaurant in a university town. The "totally cute girl" was case number 15 1 (1 987), a sociology student doing her gender norm violation project for her sex and gender in society class. The waitress's statement is typical of reactions to women who "do things members of your gender category don't usually do or don't do things they usually do," as gender transgressions were defined for this assignment. Reactions to male students' norm violations were similar. A young man who proudly saved coupons for use at the grocery store (case number 185, 1986), for example, reported that his mother wonDirect all correspondence to Joyce Nielaen,

No abstract

No abstract

No abstract