In this article, as have many Black women scholars in the past, we again call for collective action against anti‐blackness and White supremacy in the academy. Drawing from black feminist theory, we discuss the long history of Black women academics' activism against anti‐black racism and introduce the current movement: Black Lives Matter (BLM). Although BLM is often construed as resisting anti‐black violence outside the academy, it is also relevant for within the academy wherein anti‐blackness is likely to be manifested as disdain, disregard, and disgust for Black faculty and students. We discuss some of the ways in which anti‐blackness and liberal White supremacy are manifested in the lives of Black faculty and students, and propose that non‐Black allies have key roles to play in resisting them. Like second‐hand cigarette smoke that harms everyone in proximity, anti‐blackness and White supremacy harm us all, and a shared movement is needed to dismantle them.
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine coverage of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in seven US-based newspapers to determine whether the protest paradigm, “a pattern of news coverage that expresses disapproval toward protests and dissent,” and other marginalizing techniques are present, and racialized. Design/methodology/approach Relevant articles published during a six-month period of 2014 near the death of Michael Brown were retrieved from the selected outlets, including the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and the St Louis Post-Dispatch. Textual and content analyses were performed. Findings The articles heavily followed the paradigm. An additional characteristic, blame attribution, was also identified. Language of crime, lawlessness, violence, blame for nearby acts of violence, and inflammatory quotes from bystanders and official sources were often present. There was little discussion of key issues associated with the formation of BLM. Research limitations/implications Mainstream outlets rather than social media or alternative outlets were examined. Future research should study coverage of BLM in other outlets. Practical implications Measures to avoid marginalizing protests and racialization of coverage, including increased diversity in the newsroom and monitoring for racialized language are suggested. Social implications Racialization of news and coverage of BLM has widespread negative consequences, such as association of Blacks with criminality that may affect their quality of life. The protest paradigm has the ability to squelch participation in social movements, which have the possibility to bring about needed social change. Originality/value This interdisciplinary paper highlights the important role of mainstream media and news routines in affecting the BLM movement. It uses diversity research to make recommendations for media practitioners to avoid racialization of news.
Despite considerable attention to "valuing diversity" among scholars and practitioners, discrimination, exclusion, and inequality persist in American organizations. In particular, similarly educated African Americans typically have higher unemployment and lower earnings than other groups, and continue to face discrimination in access to jobs and in treatment at work. Black-White wage gaps are higher than they were decades ago, and without significant change, the wealth gap will take centuries to bridge. The solidarity economy, an economic framework that encourages governance that creates equity, shared prosperity, power, and ownership may help provide jobs, help build wealth, and yield other positive outcomes in African American communities. Cooperation Jackson, operating under solidarity economy principles, aims to create sustainable community development, economic democracy, and community ownership in Jackson, Mississippi, a predominantly black city plagued by poverty and unemployment. We discuss ways in which the
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to propose that #MeToo is a social movement which has been more effective in changing norms around and increasing understanding about the prevalence and destructiveness of sexual harassment than decades of laws and organizational policies have been. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses communication, management and psychology literature on social media, public shaming and social movements to propose that #MeToo is a social movement that has changed perceptions of and knowledge about sexual harassment and assault. #MeToo provides voice to previously silenced targets and incentives for individuals to avoid perpetrating harassment and for organizations to deter sexual harassment at work and sanction it if it occurs. Findings The paper discusses individuals who have been publicly shamed and terminated for bigoted behavior outside of work, and organizational leaders who have been ousted after social media postings, as organizations attempt to distance themselves from the perpetrators of bigotry and sexual misconduct. Since #MeToo, some cities have passed laws prohibiting organizations from requiring sexual harassment targets to sign non-disclosure agreements. Practical implications Sexual harassment is associated with high individual costs and organizational costs, including costs of turnover, lost business and reputational damage. The #MeToo movement provides incentives for organizations to be more proactive and vigilant in their attempts to deter sexual harassment, and to appropriately address it when it occurs. Social implications Sexual harassment has widespread effects on women’s daily lives and careers. #MeToo gives voice to harassment targets, changes norms of silencing them, and increases awareness of harassment as unacceptable, harmful behavior. Originality/value The paper positions #MeToo as a social movement, with the ability to change the seemingly intractable problem of sexual harassment in ways laws have not.
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