With educational campaigns that ask ‘Why isn’t my professor Black?’ and ‘Why is
my curriculum white?’ there is a push directed towards institutions to provide an
education that is diverse, inclusive and representative of the liberal ideals that many
promote. This is being done primarily through a discourse of decolonization. In
this article, I consider the formulation for a truly decolonized curriculum by first
assessing what constitutes a ‘colonial’ education, especially one that is deserving
of decolonization. I then discuss the parameters of educational decolonization, by
thinking with decolonial and anti-colonial thinkers, to assess the tenability of a
decolonized curriculum. Ultimately, I suggest what forms a decolonized curriculum
might take by drawing on diaspora theory and by describing broader programmatic
requirements within the framework of the Black Radical Tradition that offers
decolonial epistemologies as a broad praxis for education.
A b s t r a c tCraft vendors in St. James, Jamaica, interpret the competive strategies of fellow vendors as acts of animosity understood through the trope "bad-mind." Despite facing a marketplace increasingly constricted by foreign-made souvenirs imported by emigrant Sindhi Indian wholesalers, vendors attribute their economic failings and the conditions that create them to a chronic black Jamaican disunity inherited from slavery. In this context, vendors reconcile their limited prospects and normative expectation of failure through the rationale of "sufferation," a notion broadly availed within Jamaican society, to contextualize and rationalize economic adversity. What emerges is an ethnicized framing of the market as a construct through which inferences of citizenship and racial discourses are produced. [Jamaica, ethnicity, economics, markets, race] With numerous all-inclusive hotels and the three major cruise ports, Jamaica's north coast is the country's premier tourist region, at the center of which is Montego Bay. 1 Home to Sangster International Airport, which serves 72 percent of the country's annual visitors, Montego Bay stands as the most active of Jamaica's tourist cities. Bay Fort craft market, the city's largest, sits along three blocks and has over two hundred stalls in operation. 2 The vendors, who are almost all women in their late thirties to early sixties, recall the characteristic hard-working women featured in numerous ethnographic accounts of family life in Jamaica and throughout the
This article explores how participation in cooperatives seeks to accomplish an ideal form of the market through the constitutive ethics of organization and skill development. It does so by exploring the cooperative processes and practices of the Jamaica Indigenous Artisans Cooperative, or JAMIA, a small group of 35 vendors and artisans formed in Montego Bay in 2010. Through their employment of a rhetoric, which emphasizes the importance of skill development and organization as a means of accomplishment, JAMIA demonstrates to what extent cooperative ideologies, or imaginaries, serve to legitimize, console, or even frustrate the economic position of cooperative membership.
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