No abstract

No abstract

The aim of the study was to examine perceived job insecurity and its organizational antecedents and outcomes within a one-year time period. The study was carried out by means of questionnaires, which were responded to twice, in 1995 (Time 1) and 1996 (Time 2), by employees in three organizations: a factory, a bank, and a municipal social and health care department. The present article is based on the data of those employees (n 210) who participated in the study in both years. The results indicated that perceived job insecurity varied with gender and organization, but not with time. In particular, female employees in the bank reported a high level of job insecurity compared with men. The use of a restorative strategy by management at Time 1 decreased job insecurity at Time 2, whereas job insecurity at Time 1 weakened the quality of human relations and perceived eciency within the organizations at Time 2.

The single items of work ability score and future work ability predicted register-based disability pension equally well, but work ability score was a better predictor of register-based long-term sickness absence days than future work ability in a three-year follow-up. Both items seem to be of use especially when examining the risk of poor work ability for disability but also for long sick leave.

Results Covariance analyses adjusted for background variables support findings from earlier studies that long-term unemployment and perceived job insecurity are detrimental: short-term unemployed and secure permanent employees experienced fewer psychological complaints and lower subjective complaints load, reported a higher self-rated health, and were more satisfied with their life compared to long-term unemployed and insecure permanent employees. Second, whereas unemployment was found to be more detrimental than insecure employment in terms of life satisfaction, insecure employment was found to be more detrimental than unemployment in terms of psychological complaints. No differences were found regarding subjective complaints load and self-rated health. Conclusions Our findings suggest that (1) insecure employment relates to more psychological complaints than short-term unemployment and secure permanent employment, (2) insecure employment and long-term unemployment relate to more subjective complaints load and poorer health when compared to secure permanent employment, and (3) insecure employment relates to higher life satisfaction than both short-and long-term unemployment.Keywords Unemployment · Job insecurity · Psychological complaints · Subjective complaints load · Life satisfaction · Self-rated health IntroductionOver the last 20 years, globalization along with the economic recession has put considerable strain on the labour market. Therefore, organizations have been forced to cutback costs, resulting in job loss and increased perceptions of job insecurity among workers (Daly et al. 2013; AbstractPurpose Research has provided convincing evidence for the adverse effects of both short-and long-term unemployment, and perceived job insecurity on individuals' health and well-being. This study aims to go one critical step further by comparing the association between short-and longterm unemployment, and perceived job insecurity with a diverse set of health and well-being indicators. Methods We compare four groups: (1) secure permanent employees (N = 2257), (2) insecure permanent employees (N = 713), (3) short-term unemployed (N = 662), and (4) long-term unemployed (N = 345) using cross-sectional data from the nationally representative Living Conditions Survey in Finland. 2000, 2011). These phenomena, in turn, have raised concerns about their potential impact on employees' health and well-being. Unemployment typically refers to individuals between the age of 16 and 64 who do not have a paid job or are not self-employed during a specific reference period even though they are physically and psychologically available for work and actively seeking employment (International Labour Organization, ILO 2000). There is convincing evidence from diverse fields such as life sciences (e.g. medicine) and social sciences (e.g. psychology) that unemployment has adverse effects that go beyond effects associated with income loss (for a review see Frey 2008; McKee-Ryan et al. 2005). First, unemployment negatively impacts physical h...