Abstract. A semiquantitative method using immunocytochemistry on ultrathin cryosections and the protein A-gold technique was performed to study the effect of insulin on the cellular distribution of the glucose transporters in cultured 3T3-L1 adipocytes. In basal cells a substantial portion of the label was present in a tubulovesicular structure at the trans side of the Golgi apparatus, likely to represent the trans-Golgi reticulum, and in small vesicles present in the cytoplasm. Treatment with insulin induced a rapid translocation of transporters from the tubulovesicular structure to the plasma membrane. The transporter labeling of the plasma membrane increased three-fold and that of the tubulovesicular structure decreased by half. There was no effect of insulin on the degree of label in the small cytoplasmic vesicles. Removal of insulin from stimulated cells rapidly reversed the distribution of transporters to that seen in basal cells. This study thus provides the first morphological evidence for the occurrence of transporter translocation in insulin action and identifies for the first time the intracellular location of the responsive transporters.

The emergence of the polis as the prominent form of socio-political life is one of the most important developments of archaic and classical Greece. Its result was a type of society consisting of a group of free inhabitants, who lived in an identifiable territory with some kind of city centre, and who claimed to exercise a form of self-government which might but did not necessarily include a foreign policy of its own.' The existence of the polis as a socio-political system depended on a sense of territorial and social coherence, both as a subjective experience and as a practice in common activities. This sense of coherence was the outcome of a number of separate but mutually influential processes. Among the most significant and most intensely debated factors involved in the materialisation of the archaic polis are population growth, development of common cults, military cooperation especially in the hoplite falanx, the creation of written laws, changes in political discourse, and changing political consciousness in relation to (re)organization of space.2The process of polis formation implied that groups of people accepted and recognised each other as co-inhabitants of the same area and came to identify themselves as a community that shared laws, cults and other vital interests. Among the numerous social activities involved in this process, political decision-making in the strict sense was only It is not the aim of this essay to (re)produce a definition of the polis, least of all of the pas as a specific type of political structure; for a useful description Welwei (2000) 87. For a list of ancient descriptions Hansen (1998); on the meaning of autonomia for definitions of the polis, Hansen (1995) with extensive bibliography. The overriding emphasis of the Copenhagen Polis-project on the ,political` nature of the polit embodied in institutions, in spite of some modifications as to its social and religious qualities (see for instance Hansen 119981 34), makes the results of this project only rarely helpful for my present investigations. For valuable comments on the tension between an approach focusing on institutions versus one based on analysis of cultural systems, Ober (19966).

What did citizenship really mean in classical Athens? It is conventionally understood as characterised by holding political office. Since only men could do so, only they were considered to be citizens, and the community (polis) has appeared primarily as the scene of men's political actions. However, Athenian law defined citizens not by political office, but by descent. Religion was central to the polis and in this domain, women played prominent public roles. Both men and women were called 'citizens'. On a new reading of the evidence, Josine Blok argues that for the Athenians, their polis was founded on an enduring bond with the gods. Laws anchored the polis' commitments to humans and gods in this bond, transmitted over time to male and female Athenians as equal heirs. All public offices, in various ways and as befitting gender and age, served both the human community and the divine powers protecting Athens.

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It remains a puzzle" -this is Kurt Raaftaub's verdict on PerikIes' Citizenship Law (henceforth: PCL) in his overview of fifth-century Athenian history.1 PCL seems, to the best of our knowIedge, to have been the first definition of citizen status by polis consensus and also the first law proposed successfully by the most eminent politician of classical Athens, bearing his name.2 The major source on this law, the Aristotelian AthenaiOn Politeia (AthPoI26.4), mentions the proposer, the archon year and main contents of the decree explicitly: hereafter, only those bom from two citizen parents would be Athenian citizens. It is therefore not the decree itself, but its political purpose that is puzzling. Why did PerikIes issue this law? According to AthPol, he did so "owing to the large number of citizens". Many historians have accepted this explanation and tried to make sen se of the way in which the number of citizens would have been "too large". Yet there are reasons for serious doubt about the validity of this clause. After looking briefty at the phrasing of the law, I will discuss several inftuential interpretations and the problems they entail. Although some substantially help our understanding of the historical context of PCL, they do not succeed in explaining convincingly the significance of the law or the moment of its creation. The care of the problem, I will argue, lies in the perception of Greek citizenship, conceived too narrowly in current historiography as the right to participate in political decision making. In the second part of this article, I offer a conception of Athenian citizenship that foregrounds participation in cults as essential to membership of the citizen community and thus creates a new perspective on PCL.