A photographie census of the Rivière George caribou herd in Quebec and Labrador was conducted between 4-23 July 1993 during the post-calving period. The primary objective of the study was to obtain an accurate estimate of the current size of the herd to permit the monitoring of population trends and effective management of the herd. The census procedure consisted of (1) use of satellite and conventional radio-telemetry to locate and photograph post-calving aggregations during the period of optimal aggregation, (2) determination of the minimum population size by direct counts from photographs, and (3) estimation of the total population size using the Petersen Index method. This method allowed extrapolation of the data to caribou that were either not photographed or that were not aggregated at the time of the census. The minimum count indicates that the Rivière George caribou herd consisted of at least 358 460 adults (older than calves) at the time of the census. This count underestimates the total population size but is useful because it is virtually free of error. The total size of the Rivière George herd in July 1993 was estimated to be 540 040 adults within 90% confidence limits of + 12.8%. Comparisons with previous estimates indicate that the size of the herd continues to be large, but that its growth has probably ceased. This study demonstrates that a photographic survey of post-calving aggregations is an effective method to census the Rivière George herd and possibly other large migratory caribou herds that are monitored by telemetry.
RESUMENLa plaga que apareci6 alrededordel ano 542 de nuestra era, continu6 como una eerie de epidemias durante la eeptima centuria y sigui6 un modelo muy parecido al de la Peste Negra del siglo XIV. Previamente el emperador Bizantino Justiniano (527-565) habia recapturado el norte de Africa anteriormente controlado por los Vandalos y la mayor parte de I talia de manos de los Ostrogodos. La perspectiva de restablecimiento del completo Imperio Romano parecia buena desde que las condiciones en el Este eran ezcelentes y la mayor parte del Oeste habria recibido con aleqria sus ejercitos.La plaga interrumpi6 y probablemente hi 0 imposible el cumplimiento de ese programa. Casi tan destructiva como la posterior (Peste Negra) esta plaga redujo la poblaciOn entre 40 y 50 por ciento hacia el fin del siglo. Esto simplific6 la cultura al reducir el tamaiio de las ciudades. La mds alta mortalidad de las pequeiias familias perjudic6 al clero y a los grupos mds educados. Las mds ligeras perdidas en las areas secas tendieron a alterar el balance entre semi-nomades y areas de colonizacWn. La sociedad fue cambiada radicalmente y quedo emocionalmente desequilibrada.Bajo el peso de la creciente depresiOn y perdida de la poblaciOn, el Imperio Bizantino tuvo que reducir el iomaiio de sus ejercitos. No solo fue la ofensiva en el Oeste abandonada deepues del 565, sino que las defensas al Sur fueron tan debilitadas que el Islam, en la siguiente centuria tomaria facilmente Egipto y Siria. Los condiciones mas simples inducidas por la plaga ofrecieron una oportunidad ideal para el desarrollo y la difusi6n del Islam especialmente en las areas nomanes y seminomades. En el Oeste la amenaza de expansiOn de los francos se debilit6 y crecio ellocalismo. El patron de dominaci6n de Griegos, Arabes, y Germanos iba a persistar por siglos. SUMMARYThe plague, appearing about A.D. 542, continued as a series of epidemics well into the seventh century and followed a pattern much like that of the fourteenth century Black Death. Just previously, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian (527-565) had recaptured North Africa from the Vandals and much of Italy from the Ostrogoths. The prospect of reestablishing the whole Roman Empire seemed good since conditions in the east were excellent and much of the west might welcome his armies.The plague interrupted and probably made impossible the fulfillment of that program. About as destructive as the later plague, it reduced the population 40-50 percent by the end of the century. This simplified culture by cutting down the size of the cities. Heavier mortality of smaller households injured the clergy and the more literate groups. The lighter losses in the dry areas tended to upset the balance between semi-nomadic and settled lands, Society was changed radically and upset emotionally.Burdened by increasing depression and loss of population, the Byzantine Empire had to reduce the size of its field armies. Not only was the offensive in the West abandoned after 565, but the southern defenses were so weakened that Islam, in the ne...
The costs of poor health conditions are difficult to estimate for the Middle Ages. It is possible to establish in a tentative way a normal distribution by age and sex and to define what additional damage pestilence and plague did. One possible index is the number of able bodied persons (assuming persons of a definite age to be able bodied) compared to children, a dependency index. 1 A second index is of the relative number of persons dying before they completed their life as able bodied persons. A third, not related to age, might be the number of persons too poor to pay certain taxes before and after the plague. Such persons were presumably too poor in part because of age or ill health.The present study stops at 1385, including the results of the English poll tax of 1377 and the monedatge collections of Aragon-Valencia of 1385. Related to these will also be other data which illustrate plague conditions. The period was apparently one in which the rapid population rise of the thirteenth century either reached its peak or had actually ceased, changing to a decline. 2 The problem is primarily the effects of the pestilence-famine of 1315-1317 and the series of plague attacks beginning in 1348.The evidence varies in value. The inquisitions post mortem of late medieval England provide exact dates of death and good indications of age when the deceased had received his inheritance earlier. This combination makes possible the construction of reliable generation life tables except for the early years of life. 3 The tax records of Aragon and Valencia are good for numbers of the poor since both those who pay and those who are exempt are listed by * This paper (now much revised) was read at the International Congress of Economic Historians, Munich, August, 1965. 1 The usual dependency ratio is the number of those 65 years of age and over together with those under fifteen divided by those aged 15-64. Urban Research Methods, ed. Jack Gibbs, pp. 135-136.
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