This study considers how union performance in terms of organizing, bargaining, and political activity are related to severely declining union density (the percentage of the workforce in unions) in the United States and the higher and stable union density in Canada. Canadian unions have remained active in recruiting new members and assign a high priority to organizing, while American unions have shown diminished organizing effort and ability. Canadian unions have demonstrated superior performance in collective bargaining as measured by resistance to concession bargaining and negotiated wage gains, among other factors. Finally, although Canadian unions experienced some political setbacks, they wielded more political influence than their American counterparts in promoting union‐specific as well as broad social legislation. Density is examined as both a consequence and determinant of the divergence in union performance.
Summary Based on a review and comparison of recent developments in organizing, collective bargaining and political action, this paper considers the potential for union revival in Canada and the United States. Although unions have devoted considerable energy and resources to new initiatives, the overall evidence leads us to generally pessimistic conclusions. The level and direction of union density rates indicates the two labour movements lack the institutional frameworks and public policies to achieve sustained revival. Significant gains in union membership and density levels will require nothing less than a paradigm shift in the industrial relations systems—a broadening of the scope and depth of membership recruitment, workplace representation and political activities.
Between 1975 and 1997, school teacher bargaining was conducted under the School Boards and Teachers Collective Negotiations Act (Bill 100). By most accounts, the teacher bargaining law was successful in promoting bilateral settlements with minimal strike activity. Following its election in 1995, the Harris government reduced public expenditures and introduced educational reforms. In doing so, it repealed Bill 100 and passed laws restricting teacher bargaining. These measures ranged from imposing restrictions on the scope of negotiable issues to attempts to make “voluntary” extracurricular activities mandatory. This study finds that the government’s blunt and heavy-handed efforts to control collective bargaining processes and outcomes, not only proved futile, but led to an increase in work stoppages and protracted guerilla warfare at the school board level.Entre 1975 et 1997, la négociation chez les enseignants a été conduite sous l’égide de la loi concernant la négociation collective entre les commissions scolaires et leurs enseignants, communément appelée le « Bill 100 ». Suite à l’élection du gouvernement Harris en 1995, le secteur public, incluant l’éducation, a fait l’objet de coupures budgétaires, de restructuration et de réduction de sa taille. Cet article analyse la réforme gouvernementale du secteur public de l’éducation et fait une évaluation de son impact sur la négociation chez les enseignants. Notre message est le suivant : dans son zèle à remanier le système d’éducation, le gouvernement a jeté le bébé avec l’eau du bain ! De façon plus spécifique, il a démantelé un système innovateur et fructueux de négociation collective chez les enseignants et a entrepris un « assaut législatif » contre la négociation collective. Cela a déstabilisé le système de relations du travail et créé un climat de perpétuel conflit.L’adoption du Bill 100 en 1975 venait formaliser les coutumes et les traditions des négociations informelles pratiquées alors depuis des décennies, incluant la perpétuation d’une structure locale et balkanisée de négociation. L’étendue de la négociation incluait virtuellement toute condition de travail pourvu qu’elle n’entrât pas en conflit avec le droit existant. Les enseignants obtenaient le droit de grève et un nombre de mesures furent établies pour la prévention et le règlement des conflits; par exemple, la commission d’enquête obligatoire, le recours obligatoire aux offres finales et le vote de grève. On mettait également sur pied un organisme administratif distinct, la Commission des relations dans l’éducation, dont le rôle consistait à surveiller les négociations avec les enseignants, à nommer des tiers neutres, à conseiller le gouvernement dans des situations où des arrêts de travail pouvaient nuire à l’éducation des élèves et à maintenir une banque de données sur les conventions collectives entre les commissions scolaires et leurs enseignants.Quoique « l’assaut sur la négociation » chez les enseignants n’ait débuté qu’en 1997, une multitude de changements dans le secteur de l’éducation l’a...
This study considers the effect of union organizing effort, success and the selection of organizing targets on the potential for union growth. The findings indicate that between 1976 and 1985, union organizing effectiveness declined markedly in the United States and that U.S. unions were less successful in new organizing than Canadian unions.
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