Economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has averaged roughly 5 percent per year over the past decade, improving living standards and bolstering human development indicators across the continent. Stronger public institutions, a supportive, private sector-focused policy environment, responsible macroeconomic management, and a sustained commitment to structural reforms have greatly expanded opportunities for countries in SSA to participate in global markets. In recent years, many countries in the region have benefited from an increasingly favorable external environment, high commodity prices, and an especially strong demand for natural resources by emerging economies, particularly China. China-SSA trade has rapidly intensified since the late 1990s and in 2013 China became SSA's largest export and development partner. China now represents about a quarter of SSA's trade, up from just 2.3 percent in 1985. About one-third of China's energy imports come from SSA-a vital trade link, especially as energy consumption rates in China have grown by more than twice the global average over the past 10 years. Despite increased efficiency and rising domestic production, rapid urbanization and heavy industrialization continue to spur robust Chinese demand for coal, oil, and natural gas. China's banks, notably the People's Bank of China, the China Development Bank, and the Export-Import Bank of China (Exim Bank of China), have supported large-scale investments in African infrastructure. More than 2,200 Chinese enterprises are currently operating in SSA, most of them private firms (UNCTAD 2014; Shen 2014). Diplomatic contacts and bilateral aid and cooperation initiatives have greatly expanded, 1 and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, formed in 2000 and convened every three years, has become the primary institutional vehicle for China's strategic engagement with SSA.
En este artículo se aborda la evolución de la exploración del espacio, discutiendo que el institucionalismo haya sido el motor de su régimen jurídico, pese a lo que en primera instancia se podrí inducir del OST de 1967. Asimismo, se analizan los flecos de dicho Tratado, tanto en lo referente a la militarización del espacio, como en lo relativo a la hipotética explotación económica de sus recursos. Para enfatizar más esos aspectos, se emplea una doble estrategia. Por un lado, la analogía con la escuela marítima de la geopolítica y, por otro lado, el marco conceptual de la zona gris, al entender que la primera contribuye a la comprensión de la interrelación entre geoeconomía y geopolítica, y que el segundo es de muy probable aplicación a lo largo de los próximos años, por los motivos que se esgrimen en el artículo.
Appeals to the use of political violence have diverse sources. Some are firmly anchored in ideologies that remain very present in our societies. In fact, they can exist in the strongest defenses of democracy or social justice, especially in their communist and anarchist forms. This article assumes that distinct societal projects lie behind all such calls to violence. Our goal is not to point out such differences. On the contrary, based on this general observation, this article traces and identifies the common denominator within these ideologies: narratives that attempt to legitimise the use of violence. To this end, a comparative analysis of the principal intellectual referents of each ideology is carried out, with the aim of identifying discourses that foster radicalisation. To conclude, we summarise our results and point out how they can usefully enrich radicalisation prevention policies, insofar as they contribute to establishing early warning mechanisms.
Habiendo transcurrido un siglo y medio desde la irrupción del marxismo y el anarquismo, el capitalismo ha dado muestras de una gran resiliencia, a pesar de varias crisis económicas importantes. En este escenario de promesas incumplidas, este artículo explora lo que queda en pleno siglo xxi de esa parte de la izquierda (que aquí calificamos como extremista o revolucionaria) que no acepta las reglas del Estado de derecho, de la democracia representativa o, simplemente, el pluralismo político, y que, en cambio, legitima el empleo de la violencia para cubrir sus objetivos. Para ello, empleamos como marco teórico el concepto de lo político de Carl Schmitt y exponemos el modo en que esa izquierda concibe la política, la relación con sus antagonistas en el escenario político, el modo de acceder al poder, así como algunas pinceladas referentes al modelo de sociedad pergeñado. Todo lo cual permite comprobar no solamente la supervivencia de esos discursos, sino también la presencia de muchos elementos compartidos entre todos ellos.
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