This study investigates the relationship between ethnic identity, self‐esteem, value orientations, and perceived value congruence in 207 minority students. It also investigates within‐group concordance and cross‐cultural differences in value orientations. Dilemmas were used to measure value orientations and perceived congruence between personal and group values. A version of the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992) and Rosenberg's Self‐Esteem Scale (1965) were used to measure ethnic identity and self‐esteem, respectively. Ethnic identity was positively related to self‐esteem. The perception of value congruence was not related to ethnic identity or self‐esteem. There was within‐group concordance in the ranking of value solutions. In addition, the groups differed in the strength of ethnic identity, perceived value congruence, and the ranking of the value solutions.
The basic tenet of this article is that social categorization theories are usefulfor a better understanding of the immigration experience. The article summarizes findings in the categorization literature as they may serve to clarify many aspects of the immigration phenomena. How social categorization theories may contribute to the understanding of immigration, particularly Hispanic immigration, is also examined. It is argued that immigration necessarily involves changes in the way immigrants make sense of the world and that immigration poses new challenges to the host group. Entering a new society implies a dual process in which immigrants are categorized by others and recategorize themselves based on new comparison groups. Some options to negotiate self-imposed and socially imposed categories are: assimilation, integration, alternation, acculturation, biculturalism, and separation. Finally, ethnocentrism and emotional problems that may resultfrom the dynamic involved in categorization are examined.
This study investigated self and social categorization of Puerto Rican returning migrants. A sample of 121 returning migrants (“Nuyoricans”) and 121 non-migrant students evaluated adolescents described as raised in the mainland as more agitated, bolder and more independent than those raised in Puerto Rico. In-group favoritism was observed for intelligence and carefulness. The students also evaluated three target adolescents differing in saliency of Nuyorican attributes and presented through photos and audiotapes. It was found that language characteristics and physical appearance were sufficient for categorizing a target as a “Nuyorican”. The adolescent salient in Nuyorican attributes received a higher score on rejection than the adolescent low in Nuyorican attributes.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. This study investigated self and social categorization of Puerto Rican returning migrants. A sample of 121 returning migrants ("Nuyoricans") and 121 non-migrant students evaluated adolescents described as raised in the mainland as more agitated, bolder and more independent than those raised in Puerto Rico. In-group favoritism was observed for intelli? gence and carefulness. The students also evaluated three target adoles? cents differing in saliency of Nuyorican attributes and presented through photos and audiotapes.It was found that language characteristics and physical appearance were sufficient for categorizing a target as a "Nuyor? ican". The adolescent salient in Nuyorican attributes received a higher score on rejection than the adolescent low in Nuyorican attributes. Returning to one's country of origin could be a challengingevent, particular? ly when nonmigrants perceive those returning as being different and, there? fore, a threat for the homogeneity of the ingroup. Puerto Rican adolescents raised in the Continental United States and who come to live in Puerto Rico seem to be perceived as members of a different category by their nonmigrant cousins. Language and physical attributes are often mentioned as important criteria for categorizing these adolescents as members of an outgroup (John? son, 1982; Kaplan, 1982; Lucca-Irrizarry and Pacheco, 1992). As predicted by social categorization theories (Tajfel and Turner, 1986; Wilder, 1986), being perceived as members of an outgroup may result in rejection. " 2The term returning migrants is preferred by the author to refer to incoming Puerto Rican migrants (including second generation) because this is the official term used by the Depart? ment of Education of Puerto Rico and this term emphasizes that Puerto Rico is the home of all Puerto Rican migrants, even those born somewhere else. ? 1999 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved. 0197-9184/99/3304.0128
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