Estudios Internacionales 175 (2013) • Universidad de Chile integration in three axes currently exists in Latin America: an open integration axis, a revisionist axis and an anti-systemic axis. In each of these axes, different models of regional integration have been adopted. By using Max Weber's idea on ideal types, we propose three models of regional integration: strategic regionalism, productive regionalism and social regionalism. In the paper, we examine interactions between the current axis and models of economic integration in Latin America.

X-ray powder diffraction measurements and differential thermal analysis (DTA) were made on polycrystalline samples of the Cu 2 Cd 1−z Mn z GeSe 4 and Cu 2 Cd 1−z Fe z GeSe 4 alloy systems. The diffraction patterns were used to show the equilibrium conditions and to derive lattice parameter values. The effect of the annealing temperature and cooling rate to room temperature are discussed. For the Cu 2 Cd 1−z Fe z GeSe 4 system, only two single solid phase fields, the tetragonal stannite ␣ and the wurtz-stannite ␦ structures were found to occur in the diagram. For the Cu 2 Cd 1−z Mn z GeSe 4 system, in addition to the tetragonal stannite ␣ and the wurtz-stannite ␦ phases, MnSe was found to exist in the diagram. The DTA experiments showed that the cooling curves for both systems exhibited effects of undercooling.

This article explores the changes in the patterns of regional cooperation in South America in the last decade, and the role of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) in the contemporary period. It is argued that a new period has begun, better captured by the concept of "post-hegemonic regionalism", which implies that there is no hegemonic model of regional integration and cooperation, but rather a plurality of models that coexist and overlap. The plurality of models is accentuated in the area of trade: while Mercosur has abandoned the focus on free trade and privileged a social and productive agenda, the Bolivarian Alliance for the People of America (ALBA) is advancing an alternative model based on twenty-first-century socialism. In this context, UNASUR has become an umbrella organization advancing political and security cooperation among countries that, nevertheless, pursue different strategies of development. The UNASUR economic agenda has not included the liberalization of trade, so far, but has rather focused on cooperation in the areas of infra-structure, social development, and energy. UNASUR's role in South American regionalism depends on its capacity to be a space for the discussion and consolidation of consensus in the political and security areas and a minimum common denominator in the economic area.Cet article explore les changements qui ont affecté le modèle coopératif régional en Amérique du Sud au cours des dix dernières années, et le rôle que continue de jouer l'Union des Nations Sud-Américaines (UNASUR) dans les conjectures contemporaines. L'article avance qu'une nouvelle ère a débuté, laquelle trouve son expression dans le concept de « régionalisme post-hégémonique », qui implique qu'il n'existe pas de modèle hégémonique d'intégration régionale et de coopération, mais plutôt une diversité de modèles coprésents et superposés. La pluralité des modèles est particulièrement palpable dans le domaine des échanges commerciaux : si Mercosur a abandonné l'emphase sur le libre-échange et privilégié un agenda social fertile, l'Alliance Bolivienne pour les Peuples d'Amérique (ALBA) met en place un modèle alternatif basé sur le Socialisme du 21ème siècle. Ainsi, UNASUR est devenue une organisation-mère, promouvant un message de coopération dans le domaine de la politique et de la sécurité à travers des pays qui poursuivent pourtant des stratégies de développement divergentes. L'agenda économique d'UNSAUR n'inclut pas, à ce jour, la libéralisation des échanges, mais continue de se concentrer sur la coopération dans les domaines de l'infrastructure, du développement social et de l'énergie. Le rôle d'UNASUR dans le régionalisme Sud-Américain se trouve lié à sa capacité d'être un espace de discussion, un outil qui consolide le consensus dans les domaines de la politique et de la sécurité, et un dénominateur commun minimum dans le domaine économique.

After a decade dominated by post-liberal or post-hegemonic initiatives, the advent of conservative governments in Argentina and Brazil and the crisis in Venezuela have led to a resurgence of open regionalism. This could have important consequences in a region divided by different models of economic integration and political cooperation. The study evaluates the complex and changing scenario of Latin American regionalism. First, I trace the trajectory of regionalism in Latin America in recent years. Second, I examine models of economic integration and political cooperation. Third, I analyse the operation of those models in the post-hegemonic era. Lastly, I assess the emergence of a new regional cycle, and its implications for regional integration and cooperation.

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This article explores the Chinese-Venezuelan oil agreements established after 2007 to identify both governments' objectives and to pose questions of interest for determining their possibilities and limitations. The first section discusses the global energy background and the evolution of the Venezuelan economy in the last decade, including changes to oil policy after 1999; the second section analyzes the content of the bilateral oil agreements; and the third section evaluates the material and nonmaterial aspects of Chinese and Venezuelan foreign policies included in them. The article concludes that, although both governments share some ideational premises, realpolitik matters in their bilateral oil cooperation.Este artículo examina los acuerdos petroleros entre China y Venezuela establecidos después de 2007 para identificar los objetivos de ambos gobiernos y hacer preguntas de interés para determinar sus posibilidades y limitaciones. La primera sección aborda el panorama histórico de la energía global y la evolución de la economía venezolana en la última década, incluidos los cambios en la política petrolera a partir de 1999. La segunda sección analiza el contenido de los acuerdos petroleros bilaterales, y la tercera evalúa los aspectos materiales y no materiales de la política internacional china y venezolana contenidos en estos. El artículo concluye que, aunque ambos gobiernos comparten algunas premisas ideológicas , la realpolitik es importante en la cooperación bilateral petrolera.

The Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) is the latest step in the process of construction of a new regionalism in this zone of the Western Hemisphere. The process began in 1993, when former Brazilian President Itamar Franco proposed the creation of a South American Free Trade Area (SAFTA). Fernando Henrique Cardoso continued the process by proposing the establishment of a South American Community of Nations (SACN) in 2000. This was created in 2004 at the Summit of South American Presidents, held in Cusco, Peru. SACN was based on a strategy centered on three pillars: the trade convergence among the Andean Community, the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), Chile, Surinam, and Guyana; promotion of the South American infrastructure; and political cooperation. The increasing leadership of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and his criticism of the SACN project led to a change in South American regionalist strategy. The result was the formation of UNASUR in 2008. This article analyzes the process of construction of a new South American regionalism and the extent to which UNASUR could be a successful strategy. La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (UNASUR) es el último paso en el proceso de construcción de un nuevo regionalismo en esta zona del hemisferio occidental. Este proceso se inició en 1993, cuando el ex presidente brasileño Itamar Franco propuso la creación de una América del Sur Área de Libre Comercio (ALCSA). Fernando Henrique Cardoso continuó el proceso al proponer la creación de una Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones (CASA) en 2000. Esta última fue creada en 2004 en una Cumbre de Presidentes Sudamericanos celebrada en Cusco, Perú. La CASA estaba basada en una estrategia centrada en tres pilares: la convergencia comercial entre la Comunidad Andina, el Mercosur, Chile, Surinam y Guyana, la promoción de la infraestructura de América del Sur y la cooperación política. Sin embargo, el creciente liderazgo del presidente venezolano Hugo Chávez y su crítica al proyecto de la Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones llevó a la modificación de la estrategia regionalista de América del Sur. El resultado fue la creación de UNASUR en 2008. Este trabajo analiza todo este proceso de construcción deun nuevo regionalismo de América del Sur y hasta qué punto UNASUR puede resultar una estrategia exitosa.