Post-hegemonic regionalism, UNASUR, and the reconfiguration of regional cooperation in South America

Abstract

This article explores the changes in the patterns of regional cooperation in South America in the last decade, and the role of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) in the contemporary period. It is argued that a new period has begun, better captured by the concept of "post-hegemonic regionalism", which implies that there is no hegemonic model of regional integration and cooperation, but rather a plurality of models that coexist and overlap. The plurality of models is accentuated in the area of trade: while Mercosur has abandoned the focus on free trade and privileged a social and productive agenda, the Bolivarian Alliance for the People of America (ALBA) is advancing an alternative model based on twenty-first-century socialism. In this context, UNASUR has become an umbrella organization advancing political and security cooperation among countries that, nevertheless, pursue different strategies of development. The UNASUR economic agenda has not included the liberalization of trade, so far, but has rather focused on cooperation in the areas of infra-structure, social development, and energy. UNASUR's role in South American regionalism depends on its capacity to be a space for the discussion and consolidation of consensus in the political and security areas and a minimum common denominator in the economic area.Cet article explore les changements qui ont affecté le modèle coopératif régional en Amérique du Sud au cours des dix dernières années, et le rôle que continue de jouer l'Union des Nations Sud-Américaines (UNASUR) dans les conjectures contemporaines. L'article avance qu'une nouvelle ère a débuté, laquelle trouve son expression dans le concept de « régionalisme post-hégémonique », qui implique qu'il n'existe pas de modèle hégémonique d'intégration régionale et de coopération, mais plutôt une diversité de modèles coprésents et superposés. La pluralité des modèles est particulièrement palpable dans le domaine des échanges commerciaux : si Mercosur a abandonné l'emphase sur le libre-échange et privilégié un agenda social fertile, l'Alliance Bolivienne pour les Peuples d'Amérique (ALBA) met en place un modèle alternatif basé sur le Socialisme du 21ème siècle. Ainsi, UNASUR est devenue une organisation-mère, promouvant un message de coopération dans le domaine de la politique et de la sécurité à travers des pays qui poursuivent pourtant des stratégies de développement divergentes. L'agenda économique d'UNSAUR n'inclut pas, à ce jour, la libéralisation des échanges, mais continue de se concentrer sur la coopération dans les domaines de l'infrastructure, du développement social et de l'énergie. Le rôle d'UNASUR dans le régionalisme Sud-Américain se trouve lié à sa capacité d'être un espace de discussion, un outil qui consolide le consensus dans les domaines de la politique et de la sécurité, et un dénominateur commun minimum dans le domaine économique.

Post-hegemonyacı dünya düzeni altında Çin'in Avrasya bölgeciliği

“…Gürcan, Desai'nin temel çıkarımlarından hareket ederek, 2000'li yıllarda vücut bulmaya başlayan dünya düzenini "post-hegemonya" kavramıyla açıklar. Posthegemonya terimi, daha önce 2000'li yıllarda Latin Amerika'da solcu hükûmetlerin neoliberalizme karşı konumlanışını betimlemek için kullanılmıştır (Briceño-Ruiz & Hoffmann, 2015;Riggirozzi & Tussie, 2012). Gürcan (2019aGürcan ( , 2019b2019d;2019e) ise bu kavramı, Avrasya'daki gelişmeleri ve çok kutuplulaşmaya yönelik jeopolitik dinamikleri da kapsayacak şekilde genişletmeyi önermiştir.…”

AS ORGANIZAÇÕES REGIONAIS E A PROMOÇÃO E PROTEÇÃO DA DEMOCRACIA: reflexões a partir das práticas de intervenção democrática na América do Sul

“…4, que lida com suas competências, estabelece que ele deve elaborar e publicar relatórios anuais sobre a situação dos direitos humanos dos Estados-membros e que o Parlamento deve proteger a democracia dos Estados-membros, fazendo referência ao Protocolo de Ushuaia. A reunião de Altas Autoridades em Direitos Humanos do Mercosul, criada em 2004, e o Instituto de Políticas Públicas de Direitos Humanos, criado em 2009, também são instituições centrais no processo de consolidação da agenda de direitos humanos no Mercosul (Ventura;Rolim, 2002;Hoffmann, 2015). 3 O sistema de solução de controvérsias do Mercosul não estabelece mecanismos específicos para litigação contra violações de direitos humanos, mas há uma discussão sobre a jurisdição do sistema atual (Lixinski, 2010;Giupponi, 2012).…”

UNASUR and Post-Neo-Liberal Regionalism, 2008-2012

“…However, as stated by Briceño-Ruiz and Hoffmann (2015), in this period "open regionalism was actually assimilated by neo-liberal economic integration". This neo-liberal integration consisted in practice in the application of economic strategies known in Latin America as the Washington Consensus or the "neoliberal package."…”

“…The articles focused on the idea that UNASUR represented a new paradigm in the South American integration process. They called this paradigm post-hegemonic regionalism, and also post-neo-liberal regionalism (Sanahuja, 2007(Sanahuja, , 2010(Sanahuja, , 2012Riggirozzi &Tussie, 2012;Battaglino, 2012;Da Motta & Rios, 2007;Malamud, 2008Malamud, , 2009Macdonald & Ruckert, 2009;Briceño -Ruiz and Hoffmann, 2015).…”

“…The governments, and especially their leaders, wanted to move forward to an era of post-neoliberal regionalism, which I define is involving the following: the prioritization of the role of the state in economic development; inclusion of a social dimension for regional integration, and the promotion of the participation of social actors in decision-making (Sanahuja, 2010;Briceño-Ruiz and Hoffmann, 2015). I argue, however, that the legacy of neoliberalism impeded progress towards this paradigm.…”