<p>Dalam mencapai dan mengamankan kepentingan negara, diplomasi selalu menjadi pilihan negara sebagai cara dominan untuk meraih tujuan tersebut. Dalam pelaksanaannya, negara dapat menggunakan sumber-sumber kekuatan yang dimiliki, antara lain, kekuatan militer, ekonomi, politik, intelijen dan sebagainya. Penggunaan militer sebagai salah satu instrumen dalam diplomasi sudah menjadi hal yang tidak terhindarkan lagi. Semua pihak pasti sepakat bahwa dalam berdiplomasi, negosiasi merupakan inti dari diplomasi, sehingga kemenangan dalam bernegosiasi juga bisa diartikan sebagai kemenangan dalam berdiplomasi. Untuk bisa bernegosiasi dengan baik, kekuatan bargaining position merupakan syarat penting yang harus dimiliki oleh suatu bangsa. Posisi tawar suatu bangsa sangat dipengaruhi oleh national power bangsa dan salah satu komponen yang menonjol dari national power tersebut adalah komponen militer. Hal inilah yang membuat militer sulit untuk dipisahkan dari diplomasi negara. Penelitian ini dirancang guna memperoleh pemahaman tentang diplomasi pertahanan Indonesia dalam mencapai kepentingan nasional. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bagaimana peran diplomasi pertahanan Indonesia dalam mencapai kepentingan nasional serta bagaimana mengoptimalkannya dan menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi peran diplomasi pertahanan dalam mencapai kepentingan nasional. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan data diperoleh melalui observasi, wawancara dan studi kepustakaan. Teknik analisis data lebih banyak dilakukan bersamaan dengan pengumpulan data saat peneliti berada di lapangan. Lokasi penelitian dilakukan wilayah Kota Jakarta. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: 1) peran diplomasi pertahanan dalam mencapai kepentingan nasional belum optimal dan capaiannya masih sebatas pada isu pertahanan semata; 2) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi peran diplomasi pertahanan ditinjau dari beberapa dimensi yaitu dimensi kapasitas dan kapabilitas TNI, dimensi Kerjasama antar instansi dan dimensi penyusunan strategi diplomasi.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci :</strong> Diplomasi pertahanan, strategi diplomasi, kepentingan nasional</p>
<p>The structure of defense spending in Indonesia State Budget consists of three types of spending, which are routine expenditure, goods expenditure, and capital expenditure. It shows the changes in consumption expenditure contribution, direct investment expenditure, and indirect investment from the government. According to The Global Competitiveness Report 2016-2017, Indonesia presents a low level of security stability among 138 countries. Due to the terrorism threat, Indonesia is ranked 115 (Global Competitive Index or GCI=4,2) for business cost, at the 102nd ranking (GCI=3,9) for the business cost caused by crime and violence, and 108th ranking (GCI=4,1) for organized crime. This study aims to examine the impact of military expenditure on security stability in Indonesia. The analytical method used in this study is explanatory, it aims to explain the causal relationship between variables and hypothesis testing. This study employs the time series data with per semester data series through 2000-2018. The research model is formulated as a recursive linear model in the form of a Cobb-Douglas production function and analyzed using multiple linear regression analysis with the Ordinary Least Square method. The result reveals that both military expenditure and security expenditure have impacted simultaneously on security stability. The integration of all components of military expenditure synergistically can increase Security Stability. The components of spending that have a partially significant positive effect on Security Stability are expenditures on goods and capital expenditures.</p>
<p>In achieving and securing national interests, diplomacy always plays significant role. In its implementation, the state uses all of its nationally available resources including military, economy, politics, intelligence and any other resources available. The use of military as an instrument in diplomacy is inevitable. The general consensus is that negotiation forms a core component of diplomacy. Winning in negotiation, therefore, can be likened to winning in diplomacy. In order to gain leverage during negotiations, gaining a better bargaining position is an important requirement and this strongly relies on a nation’s power of which one of the key components is the military. In this regard, the military power cannot be separated from state diplomacy. This research is designed to understand the role of Indonesia's defense diplomacy in achieving national interests. The objectives of this research are: First, to analyze the role of Indonesian defense diplomacy in achieving national interests and how to optimize it, and secondly, to analyze the factors that influence this role. This research employs qualitative method. All data is obtained through observation, interviews and literature studies. Data analysis is carried out simultaneously with data collection when the researcher is in the field. The research location is at Jakarta City. We can draw two conclusions from the result of the research: 1) The role of defense diplomacy in achieving national interests has not been optimal and its achievements are still limited to defense issues only; 2) Factors influencing the role of defense diplomacy include the capacity and capability of Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), cooperation between agencies, and formulation of diplomacy strategy.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Defense diplomacy, diplomacy strategy</p>
The emergence of China's economy and military vis-a-vis US's strategy to regain its hegemony has shifted the global political constellation focus to the Southeast Asia region. The recent circumstance in the South China Sea followed by the intensification of the Indo-Pacific strategy, has not only, forcefully put the Southeast Asia region as a theater of China-US geopolitical rivalry, but also increasingly set the complexity of problems to the region. Responding to this context, on June 23, 2019, ASEAN adopted the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific as foreign policy guidance for its member-states, including Indonesia as an initiator. The objective of this paper is to discuss Indonesia's strategy beyond the ASEAN Outlook. Theoretical framework of regional security complex and regional governance used in explaining the security architecture and political contestation among Southeast Asian countries, and how it influences their stances in ASEAN's role as regional governance within its political mechanism in downplaying Indo-Pacific Strategy. Strategy theory used to analyze how Indonesia develop its strategy to initiate and promote the Outlook beyond its rational interest. Indonesia's role in the initiation and promotion of the ASEAN Outlook is played within the normative framework to upholding persistent regional stability and collective balancing towards the cogency of the Indo-Pacific strategy. Consequently, this condition impels a necessity for Indonesia to build its defense capability without setting aside the free and active policy.
Over the last few decades, ASEAN is considered as a copycat of the system of the European Union (EU). ASEAN is considered weaker, lacks strong support from its members, has less substantive achievements, and is nothing more than competition between ASEAN member countries, where the EU has gone further in its implementation. This assessment has recently been canceled. The EU is currently faced with a list of daunting challenges - the ongoing debt crisis in Greece, increasing criticism by right-wing political groups over the European Union's fundamental agreement on freedom of movement within the EU. The refugee crisis and the growing movement of secession from member states - Britain and Spain are the most prominent examples. Of course, the EU now faces its most significant and most existent challenge, political vortex and divisions with the launch of a referendum in Britain, which resulted in 'Brexit.' This paper tries to analyze how Brexit phenomenon is suspected to occur in ASEAN due to the principle of regionalism, clashes with the sovereignty of each member country. The method used is descriptive analysis with a literature review. Based on research, Brexit in the EU has a context and substance of regionalism that is different from the conditions that exist in ASEAN. Nevertheless, Brexit is an early warning for ASEAN, which has heterogeneous regionalism. Furthermore, ASEAN is pushing for centrality and strengthening ASEAN integration in responding to the turmoil and political change taking place in the Southeast Asian region.
Abstrak -- Salah satu bagian penting dari kepentingan strategis AS di Asia terletak di kawasan Asia Tenggara, yang semakin terancam oleh pengaruh dan dominasi China; sementara cengkeraman Cina di wilayah ini menguat, AS tampaknya melonggarkan cengkeramannya. Setidaknya ada dua isu utama yang berkontribusi terhadap perubahan ini. Yang pertama adalah ketidakpastian dalam persengketaan di Laut Cina Selatan (LCS); tekanan AS pada Tiongkok baik secara diplomatis maupun kehadiran militer hanya menunjukkan dampak terbatas, dan kurang meyakinkan bagi para pemimpin di Asia Tenggara. Dan yang kedua adalah strategi AS yang tidak jelas untuk mengimbangi peningkatan hubungan ekonomi China dengan kawasan ini. Kebijakan AS dalam dua masalah ini akan menentukan masa depan hubungan antara AS dan kawasan Asia Tenggara, dan secara signifikan mempengaruhi strategi rebalancing AS di Asia, makanya, harus ditangani dengan tepat. Studi ini menemukan bahwa AS harus mengadopsi strategi TAMPIL BESAR tetapi DAMAI di Laut Cina Selatan, dan menjadi mitra LEBIH BAIK untuk negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Inilah strategi kemenangan AS yang lebih mungkin terhadap Asia Tenggara, dan yang akan menopang strategi rebalancing AS di Asia Pasifik.Kata Kunci: Strategi Kemenangan dan Penyeimbangan, Wilayah Asia Tenggara, Kekuasaan dalam Hubungan Internasional Abstract -- An important part of the U.S.’ broader strategic interests in Asia lays in the Southeast Asian region, which is increasingly threatened by China’s growing influence and domination; while the China’s grip on the region is strengthening, the U.S seems to be loosening its grip. At least there are two central issues that have contributed to the change. The first is an uncertainty in the South China Sea (SCS) dispute; the U.S.’ pressures on China both diplomatically and by military presence have shown only a limited impact, and have been less convincing to the Southeast Asian leaders. And the second is an unclear strategy of the U.S. to balance against the growing importance of China’s economic ties with the region. The outcome of these two issues would determine the future relations between the U.S. and the Southeast Asian region, and significantly affect the U.S. rebalancing strategy in Asia, therefore, should be properly addressed. The study found that the U.S. should adopt the strategy of going BIG but PEACEFUL in the South China Sea, and being a BETTER partner for the Southeast Asian countries. This seems more possible to be a winning strategy towards Southeast Asia, and critical to sustain the U.S.’s rebalancing strategy in Asia Pacific.”Keywords: Winning and Rebalancing Strategy, Southeast Asia Region, Power in International Relations
The foreign policy of a nation is framed to protect and stimulate its national interests in the execution of bilateral or multilateral relations with other nations. Foreign policy includes both choices and activities. These choices and activities comprise to some substantial level relations between one nation and others. Nigeria embarked on land borders closure as choice to protect her national interest against rice and other commodity smuggling. The objective of this study is to examine the border closure policy of the Nigerian government, as well as, relating it to the national interests of the nation, particularly in the areas of rice production, curbing arm proliferation, and smuggling. The study adopts qualitative research methodology, using explanatory approach to discuss the variables. The independent variable is Nigeria border policy and the dependent variable is rice smuggling activities. The study finds that rice production increased from 3.2 million tonnes to 6.4 million tonnes with a revenue earning of about US $2.6 billion in 2019 alone as against average revenue of US $18.3 million in 2011. Also, there are evidence showing that border closure saw a remarkable decrease in land border smuggling activities. The issue of arms proliferation was also put in check.
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