With the increased electoral success of anti‐immigration parties, questions regarding what impact the parties actually have naturally follow. Previous research has rarely explored this question. Furthermore, within this body of research, one is given different answers. While some argue that anti‐immigration parties have made an impact on public policy, others find no such evidence. This article shows that some of this inconsistency is a consequence of the methodological strategies that have been employed. Previous studies are either single case studies or comparisons of a small number of countries. Consequently, different parties in different institutional settings are compared, making it difficult to estimate the actual impact of the party of interest. In order to circumvent such methodological problems, this article explores the question of anti‐immigration party impact on a local level and asks if the Sweden Democrats (SD) have managed to influence decisions on refugee reception in Swedish municipalities. The analysis shows mixed results. First, while unable to find an independent effect of the size of the representation of the SD, it appears that the party's impact is conditioned by them holding the balance of power. Second, the SD's impact is not dependent upon whether there is right‐wing or left‐wing rule, although local migration policy is stricter when the main right‐wing party has strong support.

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In the Swedish migration system, the local level plays a crucial role since the municipalities have full autonomy to accept or decline refugees. This has created a considerable variation in numbers of immigrants among municipalities, and there is a large variation in local societies' willingness to receive refugees. In this study, we focus on all the Swedish municipalities for a time span of several years and derive from economic, demographic, socio-cultural, and explanatory factors that have been put forward in earlier research. Through quantitative analysis, we can show how income, the unemployment rate, population, and support for the right-wing party negatively vary with the willingness to receive refugees. Moreover, the distribution of income results in the opposite significant direction. These results, partly contradicting theory, show the importance of a nuanced and holistic theoretical base in further research.

This paper examines the Swedish experience of network governance in managing flooding and high flows in Swedish rivers. The aim is to study the networks' organizations and approaches to decision making, and the focus of the paper is on the regional responsibility for coordinating risk awareness and risk analysis in terms of information, prevention and actions. We argue that the absence of central guidelines in the organization of the networks and the fact that the networks are enforced by the government rather than spontaneously formed by participants have resulted in different solutions in terms of focus, organization and decision making, with implications for the networks' effectiveness and the exchange of experience among the networks. These differences and their effects are analyzed in this paper. The study concludes that as a consequence of the vague instructions from the government, the River Groups differ in terms of both decision making and organization, which affect the internal work and organization of the groups. The conclusions reached here are based on interviews with the coordinators of the county administrative boards, complemented by a document study and a literature review.

By focusing on the Swedish municipality level, we provide an intensive examination of how several Swedish municipalities design their local refugee policy, according to which they either accept or do not accept refugees. This can vary because of either instrumental or symbolic reasons. Combining this local perspective with actor-oriented theory, we derive from rationalistic premises concerning how political leaders and bureaucrats act to maximize their interests. By selecting municipalities that share important characteristics except their attitude towards the reception of refugees, we can, through analysing interviews and documents, show how a pragmatic view and internal constraints often shape local decision-making in terms of shaping refugee policy. Rationalistic perspectives do not prevail completely, though implying that other factors influence decision-making in this area.

This study aims to map, locate and make visible the everyday experiences of newly arrived immigrants in government-sponsored integration activities and to trace how these experiences are linked to changes in policy. The study pays particular attention to the dynamic nature of integration and draws links between personal, organisational and policy domains while analysing shifting integration policies from the standpoint of immigrants. Swedish integration policy has undergone vast changes during recent years as the government implements one of the largest changes in Swedish history, beginning in 2010. With this came an emphasis on employment and workfare over welfare. Consequently, the rhetoric of integration in Sweden also changed from what in municipalities was called an introduction to a sense of establishment. By examining the subjective views of immigrants, we discuss the lived experiences of individuals who are subjected to and employed in different occupations due to various integration regimes.

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