BackgroundIt is widely assumed that poor health lowers life satisfaction when ageing. Yet, research suggests this relationship is not straightforward. This study investigated how older people evaluate their life when facing disease and disabilities.MethodsThe Leiden 85-plus Study, a prospectively followed cohort of a cohort of a middle-sized city in the Netherlands, all aged 85 years, that was age-representative of the general population, was used. Those with severe cognitive dysfunction were excluded (n = 501). Comorbidities, physical performance, cognitive function, functional status, residual lifespan, depressive symptoms and experienced loneliness were measured during home visits. Life satisfaction was self-reported with Cantril’s ladder. All analyses were performed using regression analysis.ResultsParticipants reported high life satisfaction (median 8 out of 10 points) despite having representative levels of disease and disability. Comorbidity, low cognitive function, and residual lifespan as markers of health were not associated with life satisfaction. Poor physical performance and low functional status were weakly but significantly associated with lower life satisfaction (p < 0.05 respectively p < 0.001), but significance was lost after adjustment for depressive symptoms and perceived loneliness. Depressive symptoms and perceived loneliness were strongly related to lower life satisfaction (both p < 0.001), even after adjustment for physical health characteristics.ConclusionPoor physical health was hardly related to lower life satisfaction, whereas poor mental health was strongly related to lower life satisfaction. This indicates that mental health has a greater impact on life satisfaction at old age than physical health, and that physical health is less relevant for a satisfactory old age.

a b s t r a c tElder abuse has devastating consequences for older persons such as a poor quality of life, psychological distress, and loss of property and security. It is also associated with increased mortality and morbidity. Elder abuse is a problem that manifests itself in both rich and poor countries and at all levels of society. It is timely to discuss one of the basic problems that has hampered the study, detection and intervention of elder abuse as the variety of definitions that exist now produce a definitional chaos for researchers, practitioners, and policy makers.In this article we trace the elements of "how to define elder abuse" and situate them in their socio-historical context. We also analyze the purposes of these different definitions to assess their appropriateness in different settings concerned with elder abuse. Our analysis shows that elder abuse mirrors the societal arrangements which gave rise to them. It also highlights that it is a complex problem that is difficult to define. The central question is whether we need a common definition of elder abuse or different definitions that can be used in different settings. By evidence of our analysis we can see that there is a need for a sufficiently broad and flexible definition in order to cover different behaviors that can constitute abuse and the various settings in which it may occur. On the other hand, the definition needs to be specific and concrete to be useful in professional contexts.To take a further step forward for both research and practice of elder abuse, we propose to consistently adhere to the WHO definition that leads the enquirer towards a better understanding of the problem and helps to distinguish it from other phenomena; and to a simplified definition for professional practice that sets boundaries to the phenomena and is appropriate for effective prevention and intervention measures.

Objectives Globally, mitigation measures during COVID-19 pandemic have focused on protecting older adults. Earlier disaster studies have shown the importance of including older peoples’ voices to prevent secondary stressors, yet these voices have received little attention during this pandemic. Here, we explore how Dutch older adults view this crisis and cope with measures to contribute to our understanding of coping of older adults in general and during disaster situations more specifically. Methods Qualitative study using semi-structured telephone interviews with 59 diverse older adults aged 54 to 95 throughout the Netherlands. Results Older adults typify this crisis as ungraspable, disrupting their daily and social lives. Despite filling their lives with activities, they experience loss or lack of purpose. They try to follow measures to decrease infection risk and gain control, and use problem- and emotion-focused coping strategies. Emotion-focused strategies used were interpreting their personal vulnerability, self-enhancing comparisons, acceptance, and distraction. In the latter two strategies, the temporary nature of measures was emphasized. Discussion Older adults describe this crisis consistently with earlier findings from disaster studies. They use known coping strategies, but emphasize the duration in relation to their expectation of temporality. This underscores a dynamic, processual approach towards coping that incorporates temporal dimensions such as duration and order. Our findings stress the importance of acknowledging heterogeneity among older adults and adjusting communication about mitigation measures to decrease insecurity and increase resonance. This may make COVID-19 mitigation measures more manageable and age-responsible and allow older adults to start living again.

The majority of older people desire an active, engaged, and healthy life. PWs were variable and personal, which endorses an emic, multidimensional approach to successful aging. Knowledge on what older individuals find important in their lives and what they want to achieve can assist older individuals in setting and attaining their goals toward aging well.

Child maltreatment has been associated with various cumulative risk factors. However, little is known about the extent to which genetic and environmental factors contribute to individual differences between parents in perpetrating child maltreatment. To estimate the relative contribution of genetic and environmental factors to perpetrating maltreatment we used a parent-based extended family design. Child-reported perpetrated maltreatment was available for 556 parents (283 women) from 63 families. To explore reporter effects (i.e., child perspective on maltreatment), child reports were compared to multi-informant reports. Based on polygenic model analyses, most of the variance related to the perpetration of physical abuse and emotional neglect was explained by common environmental factors (physical abuse: c2 = 59%, SE = 12%, p = .006; emotional neglect: c2 = 47%, SE = 8%, p < .001) whereas genetic factors did not significantly contribute to the model. For perpetrated emotional abuse, in contrast, genetic factors did significantly contribute to perpetrated emotional abuse (h2 = 33%, SE = 8%, p < .001), whereas common environment factors did not. Multi-informant reports led to similar estimates of genetic and common environmental effects on all measures except for emotional abuse, where a multi-informant approach yielded higher estimates of the common environmental effects. Overall, estimates of unique environment, including measurement error, were lower using multi-informant reports. In conclusion, our findings suggest that genetic pathways play a significant role in perpetrating emotional abuse, while physical abuse and emotional neglect are transmitted primarily through common environmental factors. These findings imply that interventions may need to target different mechanisms dependings on maltreatment type.

older victims perceive abuse differently depending on the expected acceptability of the type(s) of abuse experienced and the anticipated stigma associated with the perpetrator involved. The effects and chosen coping strategies are influenced by these considerations and therewith also influence their help-seeking behaviour. Healthcare professionals are encouraged to use these findings in practice to prevent, detect and intervene in elder abuse.

Background and Objectives In this study, we examine the experience of aging and subjective views of what it means to age well among older adults with a migrant background in the Netherlands. We embed the study within the successful aging debate and tackle two of its most persistent critiques: the failure to adequately include subjective views in the definition of aging well and the failure to recognize that the process of aging is culturally determined. Research Design and Methods The research draws on qualitative data collected through eight focus-group discussions with the six largest migrant groups in the Netherlands, namely Indo-Dutch and Moluccans, and migrants with Western, Surinamese, Antillean, Turkish, and Moroccan background. Results The study findings show that in general older migrants experience aging more positively than commonly assumed. Nevertheless, some negative aspects of aging were also mentioned. These together with fears about the future underpin participants’ perceptions about aging well. Key aspects of successful aging include remaining healthy, independent, and engaged. Differences between and within groups exist in the meaning given to these concepts and the extent to which other specific aging-related wishes were mentioned. These differences are rooted in participants’ experiences of the migration event, employment history, and their current socioeconomic conditions. Discussion and Implications We conclude that the life course perspective is essential in understanding migrants’ aging process and their views on successful aging, and suggest that policies and interventions which promote disease prevention and tackle social exclusion will be beneficial for older adults with a migration background.

In this article we explore older persons' definitions of and explanations for elder abuse in the Netherlands by means of interviews with older persons. A qualitative study was conducted based on semistructured interviews with 35 older persons who had no experience with abuse. Our findings show that older persons participating in our study define elder abuse foremost as physical violence that is performed intentionally. The study participants explain elder abuse as a result of the dependency and vulnerability of older persons, of changing norms and values, and of changes in the position of older persons in society, which result in disrespect toward older persons and a lack of social control and responsibility. The older persons' explanations for the occurrence of abuse mainly focus on societal changes; older persons seem to regard elder abuse primarily as a societal problem. This understanding of, and explanation for, elder abuse may influence their detection and reporting behavior, as they may tend to acknowledge only severe cases of intentional physical violence that leave clear and therefore physically detectable evidence.