Many teaching methods implicitly assume that conceptual knowledge is independent of the situations in which it is learned and used. The authors examine one such method and argue that its lack of success is a direct result of this assumption. Drawing on recent research into learning in everyday activity and not just in the highly specialized conditions of schooling, they claim that knowledge is not independent but, rather, fundamentally "situated," being in part a product of the activity, context, and culture in which it is developed. Teaching, however, often overlooks the central, but restrictive, contribution made by the activities, context, and culture of schools to what is learned there. A theory of situated knowledge, by contrast, calls for learning and teaching methods that take these into account. As an alternative to conventional, didactic methods, therefore, the authors propose teaching through "cognitive apprenticeship" (Collins, Brown, & Newman, 1989). They examine two examples of mathematics teaching that exhibit important features of this approach.Situated Cognition and the Culture of Learning -2

Recent ethnographic studies of workplace practices indicate that the ways people actually work usually differ fundamentally from the ways organizations describe that work in manuals, training programs, organizational charts, and job descriptions. Nevertheless, organizations tend to rely on the latter in their attempts to understand and improve work practice. We examine one such study. We then relate its conclusions to compatible investigations of learning and of innovation to argue that conventional descriptions of jobs mask not only the ways people work, but also significant learning and innovation generated in the informal communities-of-practice in which they work. By reassessing work, learning, and innovation in the context of actual communities and actual practices, we suggest that the connections between these three become apparent. With a unified view of working, learning, and innovating, it should be possible to reconceive of and redesign organizations to improve all three.

Much current work on organizational knowledge, intellectual capital, knowledge-creating organizations, knowledge work, and the like rests on a single, traditional understanding of the nature of knowledge. We call this understanding the "epistemology of possession," since it treats knowledge as something people possess. Yet, this epistemology cannot account for the knowing found in individual and group practice. Knowing as action calls for an "epistemology of practice." Moreover, the epistemology of possession tends to privilege explicit over tacit knowledge, and knowledge possessed by individuals over that possessed by groups. Current work on organizations is limited by this privileging and by the scant attention given to knowing in its own right. Organizations are better understood if explicit, tacit, individual and group knowledge are treated as four distinct and coequal forms of knowledge (each doing work the others cannot), and if knowledge and knowing are seen as mutually enabling (not competing). We hold that knowledge is a tool of knowing, that knowing is an aspect of our interaction with the social and physical world, and that the interplay of knowledge and knowing can generate new knowledge and new ways of knowing. We believe this generative dance between knowledge and knowing is a powerful source of organizational innovation. Harnessing this innovation calls for organizational and technological infrastructures that support the interplay of knowledge and knowing. Ultimately, these concepts make possible a more robust framing of such epistemologically-centered concerns as core competencies, the management of intellectual capital, etc. We explore these views through three brief case studies drawn from recent research.

Many teaching methods implicitly assume that conceptual knowledge is independent of the situations in which it is learned and used. The authors examine one such method and argue that its lack of success is a direct result of this assumption. Drawing on recent research into learning in everyday activity and not just in the highly specialized conditions of schooling, they claim that knowledge is not independent but, rather, fundamentally "situated," being in part a product of the activity, context, and culture in which it is developed. Teaching, however, often overlooks the central, but restrictive, contribution made by the activities, context, and culture of schools to what is learned there. A theory of situated knowledge, by contrast, calls for learning and teaching methods that take these into account. As an alternative to conventional, didactic methods, therefore, the authors propose teaching through "cognitive apprenticeship" (Collins, Brown, & Newman, 1989). They examine two examples of mathematics teaching that exhibit important features of this approach.Situated Cognition and the Culture of Learning -2

While the recent focus on knowledge has undoubtedly benefited organizational studies, the literature still presents a sharply contrasting and even contradictory view of knowledge, which at times is described as “sticky” and at other times “leaky.” This paper is written on the premise that there is more than a problem with metaphors at issue here, and more than accounts of different types of knowledge (such as “tacit” and “explicit”) can readily explain. Rather, these contrary descriptions of knowledge reflect different, partial, and sometimes “balkanized” perspectives from which knowledge and organization are viewed. Taking the community of practice as a unifying unit of analysis for understanding knowledge in the firm, the paper suggests that often too much attention is paid to the idea of community, too little to the implications of practice. Practice, we suggest, creates epistemic differences among the communities within a firm, and the firm's advantage over the market lies in dynamically coordinating the knowledge produced by these communities despite such differences. In making this argument, we argue that analyses of systemic innovation should be extended to embrace all firms in a knowledge economy, not just the classically innovative. This extension will call for a transformation of conventional ideas coordination and of the trade-off between exploration and exploitation.

Many teaching methods implicitly assume that conceptual knowledge is independent of the situations in which it is learned and used. The authors examine one such method and argue that its lack of success is a direct result of this assumption. Drawing on recent research into learning in everyday activity and not just in the highly specialized conditions of schooling, they claim that knowledge is not independent but, rather, fundamentally "situated," being in part a product of the activity, context, and culture in which it is developed. Teaching, however, often overlooks the central, but restrictive, contribution made by the activities, context, and culture of schools to what is learned there. A theory of situated knowledge, by contrast, calls for learning and teaching methods that take these into account. As an alternative to conventional, didactic methods, therefore, the authors propose teaching through "cognitive apprenticeship" (Collins, Brown, & Newman, 1989). They examine two examples of mathematics teaching that exhibit important features of this approach.Situated Cognition and the Culture of Learning -2

Background The Extension for Community Healthcare Outcomes (ECHO) model was developed to improve access to care for complex health problems such as hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection for underserved populations. Using videoconferencing technology, ECHO trains primary care providers to treat complex diseases. Methods A prospective cohort study compared treatment of HCV at the University of New Mexico (UNM) HCV clinic to treatment by primary care clinicians at 21 ECHO sites in rural areas and prisons in New Mexico. A total of 407 treatment naive patients with chronic HCV were enrolled. The primary end point was a sustained viral response (SVR). Results The rate of SVR was 57.5% (84/146) for patients treated at UNM and 58.2% (152 /261) at ECHO sites (P=0.89); difference between SVR rates 0.7% (95% CI -9.2%, 10.7%). In genotype 1 infection the SVR rate was 45.8% (38 /83) at UNM and 49.7% (73 /147) at ECHO sites (P=0.57). Serious adverse events occurred in 13.7% of the UNM HCV clinic cohort and 6.9% of the ECHO cohort. Conclusions This study demonstrates that the ECHO model is an effective way to treat HCV in underserved communities. Implementation of this model would allow other states and nations to treat more patients with HCV.

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