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The headquarters locations of large, private business organizations in the United States have changed greatly during the past half-century. Technology, resources, accessibility, and legacy have imposed pervasive constraints upon entrepreneurs. Those constraints, in turn, have given a general order to the pattern. Variety of entrepreneurial talents and fortunes, meanwhile, has produced much variability around the general trends. Entrepreneurship, instability, inertia, and drive for security appear to have been essential, simultaneous processes reflected in the changing maps of headquarters.

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Major droughts in the Grassland region of the central United States have occurred rhythmically during the period of instrumental record. The time for the next one may be near. Early droughts disastrously reduced farm income through loss of crops and livestock. Since the 1930s they have accelerated-within this regioncontemporary basic changes in America : fewer, bigger, and more fragmented farms, public controls and subsidies, consolidation of urban business and services, and greater management. The next major drought will again accelerate long-term agricultural trends, but a sharp increase in urban federal assistance is likely, and revolutionary changes in settlement could be initiated. The Grassland is a unique interaction zone between physical and human circulation systems. It has long attracted geographers of widely varied interests. Their collective works illustrate the importance of combining concept, technique, and specific regional problem in fashioning geography's contribution to the scientific quest.

America's metropolitan areas continue to serve distinct functionalnodal regions. For each region the metropolis is the single most important center of economic organization and culture diffusion. But the classic model of metropolis and region is changing. Business and migration linkages appear to be more national than regional. The regional metropolis is decentralizing and dispersing. The resource‐based economy of the region has ceased to support most of the economic growth of the metropolis; meanwhile the metropolis lends increasing economic support to the surrounding region. The existing political‐geographic framework is not suited to these changes. National policies are likely to be directed increasingly to management and organizational reforms which recognize both the nature and the inertia of the evolving urban‐regional system, and aim to make it work better.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Geographical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Geographical Review. [With separate maps, Pls. I and II, facing pp. 56 and 62] N FEARLY thirty years ago Richard Hartshorne published in the Geographical Review one of the few professional geographic articles on a specific American metropolis.' The article dealt with Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota. It emphasized the uniqueness of the Twin Cities as an urban settlement form; it described the important role certain physical features played in their development, both directly, through the choice of original sites, and indirectly, through influence on the rail pattern; and it noted the more rapid growth of Minneapolis, particularly since 1900. Looking toward the future, the article predicted persistence of the separate cores and separate cities.What has happened to these "Siamese twins" of the 19205S and 1930's? Have local physical features played the same important role in the more recent growth of the metropolitan area? Has the population ascendancy of Minneapolis altered the metropolitan structure? Have the long-term trends Hartshorne described continued? What growth pattern can be prognosticated from the present point in time?To answer these questions, it is necessary to measure (1) the size and shape of the settled area of the metropolis, (2) the significant variations in the terrain over which the metropolitan area is expanding, (3) the settlementterrain association, and (4) the rate and direction of change in these patterns and relationships. This paper reports an attempt at simple measurement, analysis, and prognosis of the Twin Cities settled area.2 The study is focused

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