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This study looks at the changes in 10 Canadian CMAs between 1981 and 2001 and builds on the work of other Canadian researchers to show how the extent, location and nature of gentrification processes have continued since the 1970s. The analysis of census data from 1981 and 2001 identifies gentrifying tracts and compares them with the neighbourhoods that are recognised by local housing market analysts as gentrifying and with the neighbourhoods that are clearly not gentrifying. Gentrification between 1981 and 2001 involves between 5 and 12 per cent of all tracts in the CMAs and about 25 per cent of inner-city tracts depending on the CMA examined and the definition of gentrification used. The spatial pattern of tracts gentrifying between 1981 and 2001 is more extensive than areas known to have gentrified during the 1970s. The extent of gentrification does not vary by city size. The profiles of gentrifying tracts show large increases in their proportion of young adult households, dramatic reductions in household size, rapid increases in university educated population, and had more mobile populations between 1981 and 2001. The gentrification of the inner city reduces population density while increasing dwelling unit density. Gentrification in Canada is changing the composition of the inner city but is not repopulating the inner city and it is contributing to the overall decentralisation process in Canadian cities.

In his popular book, Cities Without Suburbs, Rusk (2003) specifies that elastic cities use annexation to capture new suburban developments, increase population, create stronger tax bases, and improve fiscal health compared with nonannexing cities or cities with inelastic boundaries. Rusk claims that the elasticity of a city's boundary is strongly and positively correlated with better economic and regional planning. Rusk (1998; argues that annexation is important in consolidating the ruralû rban fringe area because it creates elastic cities which can expand to include the entire geographic sphere of influence for a city-region, that is, rural, urban, and fringe landscapes, under one political jurisdiction. This phenomenon produces what he terms`c ities without suburbs'', thereby solving problems of growth management, revenue, and political inequalities within a city-region. From this perspective, annexation is not just a process of ameliorative problem solving, with boundaries adjusted to gain better planning and control over fringe developments; annexation can also be a proactive policy of modernizing local governments.Yet Rusk (1998; does not provide much analytical testing to support his elasticity hypothesis. Published research has provided only limited empirical and conceptual appraisal of the robustness of the elasticity hypothesis (Aryeetey-Attoh et al, 1998;Blair et al, 1996;Liner and McGregor, 2002;Sancton, 2001). As well, the literature has virtually ignored municipal boundary extensions in nonmetropolitan areas (Bunch and Strauss, 1992;Diamant, 1996). Municipal boundary change is also largely seen as a methodological, rather than a conceptual problem (Singh, 1982). This approach also masks or diverts attention from the examination of the redrawing of local-government boundaries as a distinct research topic (Bennett, 1997). Overall, published studies provide scant and mixed empirical evidence on the benefits and costs that accrue to annexing municipalities. Given the complexity and scope of this phenomenon, a detailed analysis of municipal annexation activity is both warranted and overdue.

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This paper critically evaluates the use of role-playing simulations in a negotiation course taught to graduate students. The course consisted primarily of a series of simulations involving the alternative dispute resolution (ADR) processes of negotiation, facilitation and mediation. Data were obtained from two sets of questionnaires completed by 41 students before and after the course. A review of previous research reveals that despite the widespread use of role-playing simulations in education, there has been very little empirical evaluation of their effectiveness, especially in conflict resolution and planning. Comparison of the data acquired from the two surveys generated findings regarding student understanding of ADR processes and key issues in conflict resolution; the educational value of simulations; the amenability of types of planning and planning goals to ADR; appropriate learning objectives; the importance of negotiation skills in planning; challenges in conducting effective simulations; the value of simulations in resolving real conflicts; the utility of negotiation theory; and obstacles to applying ADR to planning disputes. More generally, the paper concludes that role-playing simulations are very effective for teaching negotiation skills to students, and preparing them to manage actual conflicts skillfully and to participate effectively in real ADR processes. However, this technique is somewhat less valuable for teaching aspects of planning other than conflict resolution. Surprisingly, prior experience with simulations had no significant influence on the responses to the pre-course survey. Also surprising was the lack of a significant correlation between final exam scores and responses to relevant questions on the post-course survey