After dinner in a suburban American home, a 13-year-old boy plays a video game alone in his bedroom. On the screen, the boy's hero, Duke Nukem, approaches a strip club where, before entering, he guns down the local authorities. Duke is a young, White man-blond and tan, with huge, rippling muscles. On entering the club, he sees several virtually naked young women dancing on poles, moaning and gyrating. He shoots and kills one of the young women. As her screams fade, Duke fires his witty retort, "Too bad, she was cute." 116 DJLLETAL.

This experiment examined the role perceptions of ability may play in determining the impact of task demand on cardiovascular responses indicative of active coping. Subjects first performed a scanning task and received feedback indicating that they had either low or high scanning ability. They then were presented with the opportunity to earn one of two incentives by attaining either an objectively low or objectively high standard of performance on a second scanning task. Immediately prior to and during the 1-min performance period, systolic and diastolic blood pressure responses were greater in the difficult standard condition than in the easy standard condition for those who received high-ability feedback but were somewhat diminished in the difficult standard condition as compared with the easy standard condition for those who received low-ability feedback. Whereas high-ability subjects tended to have less pronounced pressor responses than did low-ability subjects when the second task was objectively easy, they had more pronounced pressor responses than low-ability subjects when the second task was objectively difficult. Analysis of goal attractiveness ratings obtained just prior to task performance showed a general correspondence between subjects' anticipatory blood pressure responses and their appraisals of the incentives. Implications for several lines of investigation are discussed.

The literature on self-blame and depression reveals two interrelated problems. First, although R. Janoff-Bulman's (1979) conceptualizations of self-blame are clear, empirical operationalization is difficult and has resulted in approaches that do not capture the richness of the constructs. Second, past research has produced inconsistent findings. A comprehensive literature review revealed that the inconsistencies are related to the method of assessing attributions. A correlational study designed to more accurately represent the self-blame conceptualization revealed that both behavioral and characterological self-blame contribute uniquely to depression and loneliness. Supplementary results regarding circumstantial attributions and regarding attributional styles for success were presented. Empirical issues regarding possible methodological refinements and effect size, as well as the value of categorical approaches to the study of attributional style were discussed.

In addition to the emotional trauma and psychological suffering inflicted on the victims, these problems exact a heavy monetary toll on society. Like a pebble tossed into a pond, these problems have their most obvious effects at the point of entry, but the impact radiates outward in an ever-widening circle. Perhaps this simile is too optimistic: It implies that one can observe and predict relatively low-level effects as the modestsized waves dissipate at increasing distances from the initial point of impact. A coastal earthquake may provide a better analogy. The most obvious victims are those at the epicenter-the shy, the lonely, and the depressed. However, such traumatic events can lead to unexpected problems at quite some distance, just as the tsunami created by the earthquake can appear suddenly and unexpectedly thousands of miles away. For example, it is not simply the immediate family who suffer with the shy, lonely, and depressed; coworkers, friends, and acquaintances of the family may also be adversely affected. The health care costs, lost days at work, increased accident rates, and decreased productivity of the immediate victims and these "ripple effect" victims are all consequences of shyness, loneliness, and depression.Other hidden costs also accrue. For instance, there are theoretical and empirical reasons to suspect that these problems in living increase the likelihood of a variety of violent behaviors, ranging from child abuse to murder. For instance, Lee, Zimbardo, and Bertholf (1977) showed that convicted murderers who had no prior history of violence were unusually shy. Shyness, loneliness, and depression may all increase a variety of aggressive behaviors through at least three separate mechanisms (e.g., Anderson, Anderson, & Deuser, 1996; see also Berkowitz, 1993;Geen, 1990). First, the lack of satisfying interpersonal ties may contribute to a lower or less effective set of inhibitions against aggression. Second, the high level of negative affect characteristic of these problems in living may increase unwarranted aggression. Finally, these problems may prime aggressive thoughts, thus producing increases in aggression. THE ROLE OF MODERN SOCIETYNumerous characteristics of modern society contribute to shyness, loneliness, and depression. The high mobility in U.S. society makes it difficult to develop and maintain close interpersonal relationships, even within families. Similarly, the loss of intergenerational ties and the rise of single-parent families contribute to the social isolation that underlies many of the problems in living. These characteristics of modem U.

The present study tested Berkowitz' [1989: Psychological Bulletin 106:59-731 reformulation of the frustration-aggression hypothesis which states that any negative or aversive stimulus such as frustration, even if justified, will result in some measurable tendency to aggress. Participants' attainment of an expected gratification was either blocked in an unjustified manner, blocked in a justified manner, or not blocked at all. Degree of hostile aggression directed at the frustrating individual was measured. As predicted, justified frustration produced less hostile aggression than unjustified frustration, but even justified frustration produced more hostile aggression than no frustration at all. Results support Berkowitz'frustration-aggression reformulation. ©i995Wiiey-Liss,inc.