Livestock keeping is critical for many of the poor in the developing world, often contributing to multiple livelihood objectives and offering pathways out of poverty. Livestock keeping also affects an indispensable asset of the poor, their human capital, through its impact on their own nutrition and health. This paper outlines the linkages between livestock keeping and the physical well-being of the poor, and examines a number of commonly held beliefs that misrepresent livestock development issues related to these linkages. These beliefs limit the scope of intervention programs to promote livestock and limit their potential contribution to poverty reduction. Recognition of the complexity of the role livestock play in household decision-making and of the opportunities foregone due to these misconceptions can enhance the ability of livestock to contribute to human well-being in the developing world.

The past decade has seen an unprecedented increase in attention to undernutrition, and drastically reducing child stunting has become a global development objective. The strong focus on linear growth retardation and stunting has enabled successful advocacy for nutrition, but with this focus has come some confusion and misunderstanding about the meaning of linear growth retardation and stunting among researchers, donors, and agencies active in nutrition. Motivated by the belief that a sharp focus will further accelerate progress in reducing undernutrition, we critically reviewed the evidence. The global attention to stunting is based on the premise that any intervention aimed at improving linear growth will subsequently lead to improvements in the correlates of linear growth retardation and stunting. Current evidence and understanding of mechanisms does not support this causal thinking, with 2 exceptions: linear growth retardation is a cause of difficult births and poor birth outcomes. Linear growth retardation is associated with (but does not cause) delayed child development, reduced earnings in adulthood, and chronic diseases. We thus propose distinguishing 2 distinctly different meanings of linear growth retardation and stunting. First, the association between linear growth retardation (or stunting) and other outcomes makes it a useful marker. Second, the causal links with difficult births and poor birth outcomes make linear growth retardation and stunting outcomes of intrinsic value. In many cases a focus on linear growth retardation and stunting is not necessary to improve the well-being of children; in many other cases, it is not sufficient to reach that goal; and for some outcomes, promoting linear growth is not the most cost-efficient strategy. We appeal to donors, program planners, and researchers to be specific in selecting nutrition outcomes and to target those outcomes directly.

The authors reviewed the evidence regarding the impact of conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes on child nutrition outcomes, using a programme theory framework. They developed a programme impact model and synthesised evidence regarding the pathways through which CCTs may improve child nutrition. CCT programmes significantly improve child anthropometry but have very little impact on micronutrient status. The programmes also have a positive impact on several of the outcomes in the pathways to improved nutrition. The authors found an enormous gap in knowledge about the mechanisms by which CCT programmes improve nutrition. In order to reach their full potential, the programmes need to have a better defined set of nutrition actions grounded in programme theory.conditional cash transfer programmes, programme theory, child, nutrition, micronutrients, poverty,

Growth faltering is usually assessed using height-for-age Z-scores (HAZs), which have been used for comparisons of children of different age and sex composition across populations. Because the SD (denominator) for calculating HAZ increases with age, the usefulness of HAZs to assess changes in height over time (across ages) is uncertain. We posited that population-level changes in height as populations age should be assessed using absolute height-for-age differences (HADs) and not HAZs. We used data from 51 nationwide surveys from low- and middle-income countries and graphed mean HAZs and HADs by age. We also calculated annual changes in HAZs and HADs and percentage of total height deficit accumulated annually from birth to age 60 mo using both approaches. Mean HAZ started at -0.4 Z-scores and dropped dramatically up to 24 mo, after which it stabilized and had no additional deterioration. Mean HAD started at -0.8 cm, with the most pronounced faltering occurring between 6 and 18 mo, similar to HAZ. However, in sharp contrast to HAZ, HAD curves had continued increases in the deficit of linear growth from 18 to 60 mo, with no indication of a leveling off. Globally, 70% of the absolute deficit accumulated in height (HAD) at 60 mo was found to be due to faltering during the first "1000 days" (conception to 24 mo), but 30% was due to continued increases in deficit from age 2 to 5 y. The use of HAZ masks these changes because of age-related changes in SD. Therefore, HAD, rather than HAZ, should be used to describe and compare changes in height as children age because detecting any deficit compared with expected changes in height as children grow is important and only HAD does this accurately at all ages. Our findings support the current global programmatic momentum to focus on the first 1000 d. Research is needed to better understand the dynamics and timing of linear growth faltering using indices and indicators that accurately reflect changes over ages and to identify cost-effective ways to prevent growth faltering and its consequences throughout the lifecycle.

Background: The prevalence of childhood obesity is increasing rapidly in low-and middle-income countries, and informed policies to tackle the problem must be defined. Objective: We systematically reviewed the evidence on the effectiveness of school-based interventions targeting dietary behavior and/or physical activity for the primary prevention of obesity in children and adolescents aged 6-18 y in low-and middle-income countries. Design: We searched the MEDLINE, EMBASE, Web of Science, CENTRAL, ERIC, Cochrane Library, and Centre for Reviews and Dissemination databases for peer-reviewed controlled studies published in English, Spanish, French, German, or Dutch between January 1990 and July 2011. The quality of the included studies was appraised independently by 2 authors who used the Effective Public Health Practice Project tool. Results: From a total of 7218 unique references, we retained 22 studies. Most of the interventions (82%) had a positive effect on dietary behavior and physical activity behavior (effect size ranged from 20.48 to 1.61). BMI decreased in 8 studies (effect size ranged from 20.7 to 0.0). Effective interventions targeted both diet and physical activity, involved multiple stakeholders, and integrated educational activities into the school curriculum. Conclusions: School-based interventions have the potential to improve dietary and physical activity behavior and to prevent unhealthy body weights in low-and middle-income countries. To reach their full potential, interventions should conduct process evaluations to document program implementation. The effect and the pathways through which interventions have this effect need to be better documented through rigorous evaluation studies.Am J Clin Nutr 2012;96:415-38.