Recent studies demonstrate that syntactic processing can be affected by emotional information and that subliminal emotional information can also affect cognitive processes. In this study, we explore whether unconscious emotional information may also impact syntactic processing. In an Event-Related brain Potential (ERP) study, positive, neutral and negative subliminal adjectives were inserted within neutral sentences, just before the presentation of the supraliminal adjective. They could either be correct (50%) or contain a morphosyntactic violation (number or gender disagreements). Larger error rates were observed for incorrect sentences than for correct ones, in contrast to most studies using supraliminal information. Strikingly, emotional adjectives affected the conscious syntactic processing of sentences containing morphosyntactic anomalies. The neutral condition elicited left anterior negativity (LAN) followed by a P600 component. However, a lack of anterior negativity and an early P600 onset for the negative condition were found, probably as a result of the negative subliminal correct adjective capturing early syntactic resources. Positive masked adjectives in turn prompted an N400 component in response to morphosyntactic violations, probably reflecting the induction of a heuristic processing mode involving access to lexico-semantic information to solve agreement anomalies. Our results add to recent evidence on the impact of emotional information on syntactic processing, while showing that this can occur even when the reader is unaware of the emotional stimuli.

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Emotional information significantly affects cognitive processes, as proved by research in the past decades. Recently, emotional effects on language comprehension and, particularly, syntactic processing, have been reported. However, more research is needed, as this is yet very scarce. The present paper focuses on the effects of emotion-laden linguistic material (words) on subsequent morphosyntactic processing, by using Event-Related brain Potentials (ERP). The main aim of this paper is to clarify whether the effects previously reported remain when positive, negative and neutral stimuli are equated in arousal levels and whether they remain long-lasting. In addition, we aimed at testing whether these effects vary as a function of the task performed with the emotion-laden words, to assess their robustness across variations in attention and cognitive load during the processing of the emotional words. In this regard, two different tasks were performed: a reading aloud (RA) task, where participants simply read aloud the words, written in black on white background, and an Emotional Stroop (ES) task, where participants named the colors in which the emotional words were shown. After these words, neutral sentences followed, that had to be evaluated for grammaticality while recording ERPs (50% containing a morphosyntactic anomaly). ERP analyses showed main effects of valence across tasks on the two components reflecting morphosyntactic processing: The Left Anterior Negativity (LAN) is increased by previous emotional words (more by negative than positive) relative to neutral ones, while the P600 is similarly decreased. No interactions between task and valence were found. As a result, an emotion-laden word preceding a sentence can modulate the syntactic processing of the latter, independently of the arousal and processing conditions of the emotional word.

Guilt is a social emotion that plays a central role in promoting prosocial behavior. Despite its relevance, it remains poorly understood. The present study aimed to fill this gap by verifying and characterizing a frontal negative fluctuation of the eventrelated brain potentials (ERP) emerging in conditions of interpersonal guilt. Paired participants would earn money if both performed correctly a dot estimation task (both right); otherwise, both would lose a similar amount (self wrong, partner wrong, and both wrong conditions). The reported feeling of guilt was noticeable in the self wrong condition, which yielded a frontal negativity between 300 and 500 ms after the onset of performance feedback. The amplitude of this fluctuation, however, did not correlate with the amount of guilt reported by the participants, whereas both these values did so with standard measures of empathy. Neither anxiety (trait or state) nor arousal (skin conductance response) seemed to relate to this negativity. A neural source (LORETA) analysis established its generators in the dorsal medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC), a region linked to guilt in fMRI studies but also, importantly, to empathy. The frontal negative fluctuation thus might reflect empathic processes contributing to achieve feelings of interpersonal guilt.

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Natural use of language involves at least two individuals. Some studies have focused on the interaction between senders in communicative situations and how the knowledge about the speaker can bias language comprehension. However, the mere effect of a face as social context on language processing remains unknown. In the present study we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to investigate the semantic and morphosyntactic processing of speech in the presence of a photographic portrait of the speaker. In Experiment 1 we show that the N400, a component related to semantic comprehension, increased its amplitude when processed within this minimal social context compared to a scrambled face control condition. Hence, the semantic neural processing of speech is sensitive to the concomitant perception of a picture of the speaker’s face, even if irrelevant to the content of the sentences. Moreover, a late posterior-negativity (LPN) effect was found to the presentation of the speaker’s face compared to control stimuli. In contrast, in Experiment 2 we found that morphosyntactic processing, as reflected in LAN and P600 effects, is not notably affected by the presence of the speaker’s portrait. Overall, the present findings suggest that the mere presence of the speaker’s image seems to trigger a minimal communicative context, increasing processing resources for language comprehension at the semantic level.