The recent emergence of online social media has had a significant effect on the contemporary political landscape, yet our understanding of this remains less than complete. This article adds to current understanding of the online engagement between politicians and the public by presenting the first quantitative analysis of the utilisation of the social network tool Twitter by Australian politicians. The analysis suggests that politicians are attempting to use Twitter for political engagement, though some are more successful in this than others. Politicians are noisier than Australians in general on Twitter, though this is due more to broadcasting than conversing. Those who use Twitter to converse appear to gain more political benefit from the platform than others. Though politicians cluster by party, a relatively 'small world' network is evident in the Australian political discussion on Twitter.Much has been made of the impact of social media on the modern political landscape. For enthusiasts, social networking tools such as Twitter, Facebook, MySpace and blogging and video platforms offer powerful new ways to connect, influence and engage fellow citizens -perhaps ushering in a radical transformation in the way citizens connect with and influence their government and politicians connect with the public. Within this, politicians throughout the democratic world have begun to embrace such tools as a new way to connect with their constituents, shortcutting the heavily mediated connections offered by traditional media (Keane 2009a;Posetti 2010;Westling 2007). As Queensland Premier Anna Bligh recently observed, Engaging with the community online is a great way for me, as Premier, to get feedback on the decisions and actions of my government . . . Twitter in
support for the implementation of universal and targeted interventions in all settings, using a diverse range of psychosocial approaches. Further quality research is needed to strengthen the evidence-base for suicide prevention programs in this population. In particular, the development of universal school-based interventions is promising given the potential reach of such an approach.
Findings confirm the role of contact and knowledge in personal stigma for both disorders, consistent with previous findings. This finding also supports evidence that interventions addressing these factors are associated with a decline in personal stigma. However, lack of relationship between contact with, and knowledge of a mental illness and perceived and self-stigma for either depression or anxiety suggests that these factors may not play a major role in perceived or self-stigma. The identification of symptomatology as a key factor associated with self-stigma for both anxiety and depression is significant, and has implications for community-wide interventions aiming to increase help-seeking behaviour, as well as individual treatment strategies for clinicians. Further research should examine whether these relationships hold for groups with clinically diagnosed depression and anxiety disorders.
Three-, 4-and 5-year-old children were presented with simple timelines of past and future and asked to place pictures representing different events at appropriate places. Events came from three rough temporal groupings for both past and future (24 hours, 12 months and several years). Placement of items in the categories improved with age. Three-year-olds placed events that occurred years ago further away on the past timeline than events that had occurred more recently, but they failed to discriminate between the times of future events. Four-year-olds performed no better than 3-year-olds on the past timeline, but successfully differentiated daily events from more remote future events. Five-year-olds differentiated between all three temporal categories of events in both the past and future. The ability to localize events at distinct points in time appears to undergo major transition during the preschool years.
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