This study examines heritage speakers of Spanish in The Netherlands regarding their production of gender in both their languages (Spanish and Dutch) as well as their gender assignment strategies in code-switched constructions. A director-matcher task was used to elicit unilingual and mixed speech from 21 participants (aged 8 to 52, mean = 17). The nominal domain consisting of a determiner, noun, and adjective was targeted in three modes: (i) Unilingual Spanish mode, (ii) unilingual Dutch mode, and (iii) code-switched mode in both directions (Dutch to Spanish and Spanish to Dutch). The production of gender in both monolingual modes was deviant from the respective monolingual norms, especially in Dutch, the dominant language of the society. In the code-switching mode, evidence was found for the gender default strategy (common in Dutch, masculine in Spanish), the analogical gender strategy (i.e., the preference to assign the gender of the translation equivalent) as well as two thus far unattested strategies involving a combination of a default gender and the use of a non-prototypical word order. External factors such as age of onset of bilingualism, amount of exposure and use of both languages had an effect on both gender accuracy in the monolingual modes and assignment strategies in the code-switching modes.
Dutch underwent many changes in its vowel system in the course of its history. One way of exploring the phonology of the vocalic system at an earlier period of the language is to examine rhymes. The rhyming verse which is used in the moral didactic text of Ms. Marshall 29 offered an excellent opportunity to not only establish the differences between Modern and Middle Dutch, but also to trace any variation in the transition period from early to late Middle Dutch. We focused on rounded vowels, which were indicated by seven graphemes: , , , , , , and . Our crucial findings are the following: (i) descendants of Proto Germanic (PGmc) */au/ and */o:/ never rhyme with each other, although they could be spelt in an identical fashion and are pronounced the same in Modern Dutch, which leads us to conclude that the Middle Dutch vowel qualities were different; (ii) descendants of PGmc */u/ became /ɔ/, but when this vowel is lengthened in open syllables, it never rhymes with vowels derived from PGmc */au/, although they do in Modern Dutch; (iii) although added to a vowel can mark length, in a small subset it must have indicated fronting.
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