There is more to Pakistan than General Musharraf, and sooner or later us policy makers will have to turn their attention to the state of the Pakistani state.
General Pervez Musharraf, who seized power in a 1999 military coup, has made it clear that he intends to continue running Pakistan, combining the offices of army chief and president in his own person. Musharraf's political system revolves around his personality and is dependent upon the army's position as the final arbiter of Pakistan's politics. If Musharraf is to leave a legacy different from those of previous military rulers, he must tackle the contempt for civilians and the prejudice against politicians found in the higher military ranks. Not until the army's institutional thinking changes or its hold becomes weaker can Pakistan be expected to make a transition to democratic rule.
Success in free elections held after the “Arab Spring” protests in Tunisia and Egypt has brought Islamists to power through democratic means, and Islamist influence is on the rise throughout the Arab world. Much of the debate about liberal democracy’s future in Arab countries focuses on the extent to which the Islamists might be moderated by their inclusion in the democratic process. There is no doubt that the prospect of gaining a share of power through elections is a strong incentive that favors the tempering of extremist positions. But until the major Islamist movements give up their core ideology, their pursuit of an Islamic state is likely to impede their ability to be full and permanent participants in democratization. The real test of the Islamists’ commitment to democracy will come not while they are in power for the first time, but when they lose subsequent elections.
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