Seirogan, a popular anti-diarrhoeal pill, is arguably one of the most successful pharmaceutical products of modern Japan. What is less known is that the Japanese army initially developed Seirogan during the Russo-Japanese War as the 'Conquer-Russia-Pill', which was later marketed to the public by private manufacturers. Previous scholars have emphasised the top-down governmental method of mobilising private sectors to manipulate public opinion for the cause of external imperialist expansion and domestic stability during wartime Japan. But the matrix that the Conquer-Russia-Pill allows us to glimpse is an inverted power relation among the state, commercial sectors, and imperial citizens. While the Japanese government remained indifferent if not hostile to jingoistic pharmaceutical manufacturers who could easily disrupt international relations, pharmaceutical companies quickly recognised and exploited the opportunities that the Conquer-Russia-Pill and its symbolism provided under the banner of the empire. In turn, Japanese consumers reacted to commercial sermons carefully anchored in patriotic and militaristic discourses and images by opening their wallets. In other words, the popularity of the Conquer-Russia-Pill was a culmination of the convergence of a governmental initiative to enhance military capabilities, the commercial ingenuity of pharmaceutical manufacturers, and a consumer response to patriotic exhortations.
Since the book claims to be 'a study of the anniversary celebration and, more broadly, of Japan in 1940' (4), we must ask what this study really tells us about wartime Japan. I am not convinced that Japan was really at its 'zenith' in 1940. Ruoff describes that year as a 'heady time', when the Japanese contemplated ruling over a vast Asian empire, the publishing and entertainment industries flourished, and consumerism and tourism were on the rise. But how do we understand this brief 'interlude' of mass celebration and consumerism in the midst of the costly war in China, combat deaths, material shortages, weak political leadership, bureaucratic infighting and rising international tensions? From this perspective, the celebrations appear to signify desperate attempts by the state to divert attention away from the real issues at hand and rally support for an unpopular war. Which leaders and factions in the government were for and which ones against these celebrations? We only obtain occasional glimpses of the conflicts and debates over these celebrations, in quotes by leaders such as the reformist Cabinet Planning Board member Inaba Hidezō, who later recalled 'wondering at the time of the 2600th anniversary celebrations whether there was really cause for celebration in light of his country's deteriorating economic position in strategic areas' (165). Greater contextualization of the celebrations within wartime politics would provide a more grounded sense of its political significance and impact in wartime Japan.These criticisms and questions should not detract from the valuable contribution of this work. Ruoff should be commended for making accessible a rich source of wartime materials on popular culture and for deepening our understanding of popular agency and mass mobilization in wartime Japan.
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