Previous studies revealed that low self-esteem is prospectively associated with depression. However, self-esteem has been shown to change over time. We thus hypothesized that not only level but also change in self-esteem affect depression. Using data from a 23-year longitudinal study (N = 1,527), we therefore examined the prospective effects of global and domain-specific self-esteem (physical attractiveness, academic competence) level and change on depressive symptoms 2 decades later. Self-esteem was assessed annually from age 12 to 16, and depression was assessed at age 16 and 35. Results from latent growth curve analyses demonstrated that both level and change in self-esteem served as predictors for adult depression. Individuals who entered adolescence with low self-esteem, and/or whose self-esteem declined further during the adolescent years, were more likely to exhibit symptoms of depression 2 decades later as adults; this pattern held both for global and domain-specific self-esteem. These findings highlight the importance of adolescent self-esteem development for mental health outcomes in adulthood. However, self-esteem has been shown to change over time. We thus hypothesized that not only level but also change in self-esteem affect depression. Using data from a 23-year longitudinal study (N = 1,527), we therefore examined the prospective effects of global and domain-specific selfesteem (physical attractiveness, academic competence) level and change on depressive symptoms two decades later. Self-esteem was assessed annually from age 12 to 16 and depression was assessed at age 16 and 35. Results from latent growth curve analyses demonstrated that both level and change in self-esteem served as predictors for adult depression. Individuals who entered adolescence with low self-esteem, and/or whose self-esteem declined further during the adolescent years were more likely to exhibit symptoms of depression two decades later as adults; this pattern held both for global and domain-specific self-esteem. These findings highlight the importance of adolescent self-esteem development for mental health outcomes in adulthood.
This 23-year study explored the predictive associations between empathy development in adolescence and self-reported social competencies and outcomes in adulthood. Participants were 1,527 adults aged 35 years (48.3% female). The predictor variable (adolescent empathy) was measured yearly at the ages of 12 to 16 years. The outcome variables (adult empathy, communication skills, social integration, relationship satisfaction, and conflicts in relationships) were measured at the age of 35 years. Five important results stand out. First, longitudinal measurement invariance was established for the measure of adolescent empathy. Second, empathy tended to increase during the adolescent years. Third, significant interindividual differences in level and change of adolescent empathy were found. Fourth, gender was related to level of adolescent empathy, favoring girls over boys. Fifth, not only level but also change in adolescent empathy predicted individual differences in social competencies in adulthood two decades later. These findings demonstrate that developmental processes that are relevant for adjustment reveal long-term social consequences beyond the adolescent years.
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The vulnerability model states that low self-esteem functions as a predictor for the development of depressive symptoms whereas the scar model assumes that these symptoms leave scars in individuals resulting in lower self-esteem. Both models have received empirical support, however, they have only been tested within individuals and not across generations (i.e., between family members). Thus, we tested the scope of these competing models by (a) investigating whether the effects hold from adolescence to middle adulthood (long-term vulnerability and scar effects), (b) whether the effects hold across generations (intergenerational vulnerability and scar effects), and (c) whether intergenerational effects are mediated by parental self-esteem and depressive symptoms and parent-child discord. We used longitudinal data from adolescence to middle adulthood (N = 1,359) and from Generation 1 adolescents (G1) to Generation 2 adolescents (G2) (N = 572 parent-child pairs). Results from latent cross-lagged regression analyses demonstrated that both adolescent self-esteem and depressive symptoms were prospectively related to adult self-esteem and depressive symptoms 3 decades later. That is, both the vulnerability and scar models are valid over decades with stronger effects for the vulnerability model. Across generations, we found a substantial direct transmission effect from G1 to G2 adolescent depressive symptoms but no evidence for the proposed intergenerational vulnerability and scar effect or for any of the proposed mediating mechanisms. AbstractThe vulnerability model states that low self-esteem functions as a predictor for the development of depressive symptoms whereas the scar model assumes that these symptoms leave scars in individuals resulting in lower self-esteem. Both models have received empirical support, however, they have only been tested within individuals and not across generations (i.e., between family members). We thus tested the scope of these competing models by (a) investigating whether the effects hold from adolescence to middle adulthood (long-term vulnerability and scar effects), (b) whether the effects hold across generations (intergenerational vulnerability and scar effects) and (c) whether intergenerational effects are mediated by parental self-esteem and depressive symptoms and parent-child discord. We used longitudinal data from adolescence to middle adulthood (N = 1,359) and from Generation 1 adolescents (G1) to Generation 2 adolescents (G2) (N = 572 parent-child pairs). Results from latent cross-lagged regression analyses demonstrated that both adolescent self-esteem and depressive symptoms were prospectively related to adult self-esteem and depressive symptoms three decades later. That is, both the vulnerability and scar models are valid over decades with stronger effects for the vulnerability model. Across generations, we found a substantial direct transmission effect from G1 to G2 adolescent depressive symptoms but no evidence for the proposed intergenerational vulnerability an...
A large body of literature suggests a clear, concurrent association between peer approval and self-esteem in adolescence. However, little empirical work exists on either the prospective or reciprocal relation between peer approval and self-esteem during this age period. Moreover, it is unclear from past research whether both subjectively perceived peer approval and objectively measured peer approval are related to subsequent self-esteem over time (and vice versa) and whether these paths have long-term associations into adulthood. Using data from a large longitudinal study that covers a time span of 2 decades, we examined reciprocal, prospective relations between self-esteem and peer approval during ages 12-16 in addition to long-term relations between these variables and later social constructs at age 35. Cross-lagged regression analyses revealed small but persistent effect sizes from both types of peer approval to subsequent self-esteem in adolescence, controlling for prior self-esteem. However, effects in the reverse direction were not confirmed. These findings support the notion that peer relationships serve an important function for later self-esteem, consistent with many theoretical tenets of the importance of peers for building a strong identity. Finally, we found long-term relations between adult social constructs and adolescent objective and subjective peer approval as well as self-esteem. Therefore, not only do peer relationships play a role in self-esteem development across adolescence, but they remain impactful throughout adulthood. In sum, the current findings highlight the lasting, yet small link between peer relationships and self-esteem development and call for investigations of further influential factors for self-esteem over time. (PsycINFO Database Record
These results indicate that resource-oriented stress management training effectively reduces endocrine stress responses to stress in healthy adults.
Close parent-child relationships are viewed as important for the development of global selfesteem. Cross-sectional research supports this hypothesis, but longitudinal studies provide inconsistent prospective effects. The current study uses data from Germany (N = 982) and the United States (N = 451) to test longitudinal relations between parent-child closeness and adolescent self-esteem. The authors used self-, parent-, and observer-reported parent-child closeness and self-reported self-esteem from ages 12 to 16. Results replicated concurrent correlations found in the literature, but six longitudinal models failed to show prospective relations. Thus, the longitudinal effect of parent-child closeness and self-esteem is difficult to detect with adolescent samples. These findings suggest the need for additional theorizing about influences on adolescent self-esteem development and longitudinal research with younger samples. However, longitudinal research does not provide clear support that positive parent-child relationships predict the development (i.e., change) of self-esteem over time (Allen, Hauser, Bell, & O'Connor, 1994;Boudreault-Bouchard, et al. 2013;Greene & Way, 2005;Roberts & Bengtson, 1996;Yang & Schaninger, 2010). This pattern of conflicting findings (i.e., robust concurrent correlation, but no consistent longitudinal correlation) could mean that (a) the relation between parent-child relationships and self-esteem reflects a reverse effect (i.e., self-esteem predicts the development of positive parent-child relationships over time); (b) the relation is complex and requires appropriate complex statistical modeling to capture the process by which parent-child relationships impact the development of self-esteem; (c) the inconsistency in longitudinal studies reflects critical methodological differences between studies (i.e., the existence of moderators); (d) the true effect is small and therefore difficult to detect without PARENT CLOSENESS AND ADOLESCENT SELF-ESTEEM 3 adequate sample sizes; and/or (e) the relation between self-esteem and parent-child relationships is attributable to a third variable. The current study evaluates evidence for these possibilities during adolescence, a critical time to study self-esteem change. Why Study the Development of Self-Esteem?There is substantial evidence that self-esteem, a subjective feeling of one's overall worthiness, is associated with mental and physical health indicators. For example, self-esteem is Trzesniewski et al., 2006). These findings underscore the idea that self-esteem is associated with consequential life outcomes. Where Does Self-Esteem Come From?Given that self-esteem is related to important life outcomes, it is important to understand its developmental antecedents. A longstanding belief is that self-esteem stems from relationships with others. For example, Cooley (1902) and Mead (1934) suggested that a person comes to view him or herself through the lens of others' opinions (i.e., reflected appraisals). This concept is illustrated in resea...
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