A large body of literature suggests a clear, concurrent association between peer approval and self-esteem in adolescence. However, little empirical work exists on either the prospective or reciprocal relation between peer approval and self-esteem during this age period. Moreover, it is unclear from past research whether both subjectively perceived peer approval and objectively measured peer approval are related to subsequent self-esteem over time (and vice versa) and whether these paths have long-term associations into adulthood. Using data from a large longitudinal study that covers a time span of 2 decades, we examined reciprocal, prospective relations between self-esteem and peer approval during ages 12-16 in addition to long-term relations between these variables and later social constructs at age 35. Cross-lagged regression analyses revealed small but persistent effect sizes from both types of peer approval to subsequent self-esteem in adolescence, controlling for prior self-esteem. However, effects in the reverse direction were not confirmed. These findings support the notion that peer relationships serve an important function for later self-esteem, consistent with many theoretical tenets of the importance of peers for building a strong identity. Finally, we found long-term relations between adult social constructs and adolescent objective and subjective peer approval as well as self-esteem. Therefore, not only do peer relationships play a role in self-esteem development across adolescence, but they remain impactful throughout adulthood. In sum, the current findings highlight the lasting, yet small link between peer relationships and self-esteem development and call for investigations of further influential factors for self-esteem over time. (PsycINFO Database Record
Close parent-child relationships are viewed as important for the development of global selfesteem. Cross-sectional research supports this hypothesis, but longitudinal studies provide inconsistent prospective effects. The current study uses data from Germany (N = 982) and the United States (N = 451) to test longitudinal relations between parent-child closeness and adolescent self-esteem. The authors used self-, parent-, and observer-reported parent-child closeness and self-reported self-esteem from ages 12 to 16. Results replicated concurrent correlations found in the literature, but six longitudinal models failed to show prospective relations. Thus, the longitudinal effect of parent-child closeness and self-esteem is difficult to detect with adolescent samples. These findings suggest the need for additional theorizing about influences on adolescent self-esteem development and longitudinal research with younger samples. However, longitudinal research does not provide clear support that positive parent-child relationships predict the development (i.e., change) of self-esteem over time (Allen, Hauser, Bell, & O'Connor, 1994;Boudreault-Bouchard, et al. 2013;Greene & Way, 2005;Roberts & Bengtson, 1996;Yang & Schaninger, 2010). This pattern of conflicting findings (i.e., robust concurrent correlation, but no consistent longitudinal correlation) could mean that (a) the relation between parent-child relationships and self-esteem reflects a reverse effect (i.e., self-esteem predicts the development of positive parent-child relationships over time); (b) the relation is complex and requires appropriate complex statistical modeling to capture the process by which parent-child relationships impact the development of self-esteem; (c) the inconsistency in longitudinal studies reflects critical methodological differences between studies (i.e., the existence of moderators); (d) the true effect is small and therefore difficult to detect without PARENT CLOSENESS AND ADOLESCENT SELF-ESTEEM 3 adequate sample sizes; and/or (e) the relation between self-esteem and parent-child relationships is attributable to a third variable. The current study evaluates evidence for these possibilities during adolescence, a critical time to study self-esteem change. Why Study the Development of Self-Esteem?There is substantial evidence that self-esteem, a subjective feeling of one's overall worthiness, is associated with mental and physical health indicators. For example, self-esteem is Trzesniewski et al., 2006). These findings underscore the idea that self-esteem is associated with consequential life outcomes. Where Does Self-Esteem Come From?Given that self-esteem is related to important life outcomes, it is important to understand its developmental antecedents. A longstanding belief is that self-esteem stems from relationships with others. For example, Cooley (1902) and Mead (1934) suggested that a person comes to view him or herself through the lens of others' opinions (i.e., reflected appraisals). This concept is illustrated in resea...
Abstract. Empirical evidence suggests that physical activity is related to less depressive moods. However, little is known about this association in the everyday life of older adults, limiting the ecological validity of prior findings. This study examined within-person associations between physical activity and depressive mood in older adults across 7 days. Moreover, the study tested the extent to which need-fulfillment can explain this association. The sample consisted of 68 adults aged 65 to 93 years. Physical activity was assessed objectively with accelerometers, whereas need-fulfillment and depressive mood were assessed at the end of each day using self-reports. Results from multilevel analysis suggest that daily physical activity was negatively related to daily depressive mood within persons. Although need-fulfillment did not explain the association between physical activity and depressive mood, it was a statistically significant predictor of daily depressive mood and even attenuated the effect of physical activity on depressive mood to nonsignificance.
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