This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 3 failed to consider how political attitudes systematically relate to the whole system of basic value priorities (Feldman 2003). The validation of a theory that identifies a comprehensive set of basic personal values and the near universal structure of relations among them (Schwartz 1992(Schwartz , 2006 makes it possible to do this. Permanent repository linkA recent study in Italy ) examined the possibility that the motivational structure of the 10 basic values in the Schwartz (1992) value theory constrains and

This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link

This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. The long-term decline of socio-structural factors as shapers of political preference has been a striking change for contemporary democracies (Jost, 2006;van der Brug 2010). The appeal of party identification has weakened (Dalton 2000). Social class, income, and education account for political preference less than in the past. Traditional ideological divisions between right and left (or conservative and liberal) appear less marked than in the past as political parties form coalitions and endorse political programs that are barely distinctive (Caprara, 2007). At the same time, ideological preferences are becoming more dependent upon voter's personality characteristics, such as traits (e.g Permanent repository link

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