This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 3 failed to consider how political attitudes systematically relate to the whole system of basic value priorities (Feldman 2003). The validation of a theory that identifies a comprehensive set of basic personal values and the near universal structure of relations among them (Schwartz 1992(Schwartz , 2006 makes it possible to do this. Permanent repository linkA recent study in Italy ) examined the possibility that the motivational structure of the 10 basic values in the Schwartz (1992) value theory constrains and

This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link

This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. The long-term decline of socio-structural factors as shapers of political preference has been a striking change for contemporary democracies (Jost, 2006;van der Brug 2010). The appeal of party identification has weakened (Dalton 2000). Social class, income, and education account for political preference less than in the past. Traditional ideological divisions between right and left (or conservative and liberal) appear less marked than in the past as political parties form coalitions and endorse political programs that are barely distinctive (Caprara, 2007). At the same time, ideological preferences are becoming more dependent upon voter's personality characteristics, such as traits (e.g Permanent repository link

No abstract

The purpose of this study is to examine the labour market outcomes of married couples to find out which of the added and discouraged worker effects is dominant in urban Turkish families. Using household labour force survey and province-level data from 1988 and 1994, we look for evidence regarding the dependency of the labour force participation decisions of wives and the employment status of their husbands. On yearly and pooled samples of married couples in their prime ages, bivariate probit estimates indicate that the two decisions are negatively correlated. However, the correlation is found to be statistically significant only in the economic crisis year of 1994. We interpret this finding to mean that the added worker effect dominates the discouraged worker effect.