Recent research on authoritarian regimes argues that they provide public goods in order to prevent rebellion. This essay shows that the 'threat of rebellion' alone cannot explain Chinese party-state policies to extend public goods to rural residents in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Drawing on theories of policy making, it argues that China's one-party regime extended public goods to the rural population under the influence of ideas and policy options generated by policy communities of officials, researchers, international organisations and other actors. The party-state centre adopted and implemented these ideas and policy options when they provided solutions to external shocks and supported economic development goals. Explanations of policies and their outcomes in authoritarian political systems need to include not only 'dictators' but also other actors, and the ideas they generate. WHY DO AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES PROVIDE PUBLIC GOODS? MUCH research portrays autocrats as focussed on maximising their own revenues (Niskanen 1997; Acemoglu & Robinson 2000). It expects them to channel private goods to members of their support base in the 'selectorate', but to neglect the 'unenfranchised' majority (Bueno de Mesquita et al. 2003). 1 Other recent studies have found authoritarian regimes sometimes do extend provision beyond their immediate support base-but only to groups who threaten rebellion. Gandhi and Przeworski (2006), for example, argue that well institutionalised one-party regimes make policy concessions so as to co-opt those who might otherwise challenge them. Gallagher and Hanson (2009) similarly suggest authoritarian regimes sometimes try to reduce revolutionary 1 We do not have the space here to discuss the substantial literature categorising authoritarian regimes (Linz 2000), explaining their transitions to democracy (O'Donnell et al. 1986) and examining how they repress their opponents (Lichbach 1995; Wintrobe 1998).
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