Tlapanec (Mè’phàà) is known for its enigmatic tonal alternation in verb forms according to person and aspect-mode categories, in addition to suppletion and other segmental alternations. In this paper, we argue that the tonal alternations observed in Tlapanec regular agentive verbs can be straightforwardly accounted for by phonology, without resorting to any extreme abstractness: the lexical tones of the prefixes and the verb stems, with underspecification and floating tones, and cross-linguistically common tone processes such as tone spreading and floating tone docking. Such a phonological (or a morpheme-based) approach is contrasted with a word-based approach, where tonal alternations are viewed as inflectional classes. We show that the phonological approach is more adequate than a word-based approach.
m' phones in both English and Cook Islands Māori have similar spectral cues, so the English model's idea of an 'm' can also find 'm's in the Cook Islands Māori data. Many of the phones are not similar. For example, the glottal stop of Cook Islands Māori /ʔ/ has no direct equivalent in American English, French, Spanish, or other European languages with available models. However, the phones that are not available in English can be approximated. For example, the /ʔ/ stops the air flow like /t/ and /k/ do, and these similarities have been exploited to detect /ʔ/ in languages such as Triqui (DiCanio et al. 2013). These transformations allow for the use of an existing model with audio from another language, and because the model has not been explicitly trained on data from the Indigenous language, we say that this method is untrained forced alignment.This untrained method has been fruitfully applied to languages such as Triqui from Mexico (DiCanio et al.
Tlapanec (Mè’phàà), an Otomanguean language spoken in Mexico, has several allomorphic alternations which are sensitive to the number of syllables of the stem (monosyllabic vs. disyllabic). We argue that these alternations are motivated by the foot structure which consists of two syllables, and that such alternations can be captured by subcategorization frames. An alternative, P » M analysis is also provided, where the allomorphic alternations are motivated by markedness constraints, namely *(tV.ˈσ), which avoids [t] in the weak position of the foot. These two approaches will be compared, and it will be argued that a subcategorization approach is more adequate than a P » M analysis.
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