In two experiments the allocation of attention during the recognition of ambiguous and unambiguous words was investigated. In Experiment 1, separate groups performed either lexical decision, auditory probe detection, or their combination. In the combined condition probes occurred 90, 180, or 270 ms following the onset of the lexical-decision target. Lexical decisions and probe responses were fastest for ambiguous words, followed by unambiguous words and pseudowords, respectively, which indicated that processing ambiguous words was less attention demanding than unambiguous words or pseudowords. Attention demands decreased across the timecourse of word recognition for all stimulus types. In Experiment 2, one group performed the lexical-decision task alone, whereas another group performed the lexical-decision task during the retention interval of a short-term memory task. The results were consistent with those from Experiment 1 and showed that word recognition is an attention-demanding process and that the demands are inversely related to the number of meanings of the stimulus. These results are discussed with regard to the structure of the mental lexicon (i.e., single vs. multiple lexical entries) and the effect of such a structure on attentional mechanisms.

Three studies examined whether initial meaning activation is sensitive to context. Experiment 1 demonstrated that contextually appropriate targets were activated more than inappropriate targets. Experiment 2 evaluated activation across intervals of 0, 300, and 600 ms. Constraining sentences activated contextually appropriate meanings over inappropriate meanings. This was maintained across the intervals for highly salient targets. Less-salient targets, although initially activated, were no longer activated 300 ms following the homograph. Experiment 3 converged on context-sensitive activation following a 50-ms exposure of the sentence-final homograph. Conclusions are (a) initial meaning activation can be sensitive to context, (b) when a homograph is instantiated, it is congruent with a broad scope of targets, and (c) less-salient targets receive less activation over the time course.

A modified Stoop procedure was used to examine the role that context plays in guiding semantic access of unambiguous nouns in sentence contexts. The sentences either emphasized a high-or a low-dominant property of a noun that was the last word in the sentence or were control sentences. Each sentence was followed by the relevant high-or low-dominant property either immediately or after a 300or a 600-ms delay. There was significant color-naming interference (relative to control) for high-dominant properties regardless of biasing context in the immediate and delayed conditions. There was also significant color-naming interference for low-dominant properties in the immediate condition regardless of context. However, in the delayed conditions, the low-dominant properties led to color-naming interference only when preceded by sentence contexts biasing interpretation toward the low-dominant property. It was concluded that high-dominant properties function as core, or invariant, aspects of meaning and that initial semantic access is context independent.

Results from a series of naming experiments demonstrated that major lexical categories of simple sentences can provide sources of constraint on the interpretation of ambiguous words (homonyms). Manipulation of verb (Experiment 1) or subject noun (Experiment 2) specificity produced contexts that were empirically rated as being strongly biased or ambiguous. Priming was demonstrated for target words related to both senses of a homonym following ambiguous sentences, but only contextually appropriate target words were primed following strongly biased dominant or subordinate sentences. Experiment 3 showed an increase in the magnitude of priming when multiple constraints on activation converged. Experiments 4 and 5 eliminated combinatorial intralexical priming as an alternative explanation. Instead, it was demonstrated that each constraint was influential only insofar as it contributed to the overall semantic representation of the sentence. When the multiple sources of constraint were retained but the sentence-level representation was changed (Experiment 4) or eliminated (Experiment 5), the results of Experiments 1, 2, and 3 and were not replicated. Experiment 6 examined the issue of homonym exposure duration by using an 80-msec stimulus onset asynchrony. The results replicated the previous experiments. The overall evidence indicates that a sentence context can be made strongly and immediately constraining by the inclusion of specific fillers for salient lexical categories. The results are discussed within a constraint-based, context-sensitive model of lexical ambiguity resolution.

The influence of global discourse on the resolution of lexical ambiguity was examined in a series of naming experiments. Two-sentence passages were constructed to bias either the dominant or the subordinate meaning of a homonym that was embedded in a locally ambiguous sentence. The results provided evidence for the immediate (O-msec interstimulus interval) resolution of lexical ambiguity and were subsequently replicated in Experiment 2, in which an 80-msec stimulus onset asynchrony exposure duration was employed for the homonyms. Strong dominant and subordinate biased discourse contexts activated only the contextually appropriate sense of a homonym. In Experiment 3, each sentence of the discourse was presented in isolation. The pattern of activation obtained in Experiments 1 and 2 was found to be contingent on the integration of the two sentences to construct an overall global discourse representation of the text. The results support a context-sensitive model of lexical ambiguity resolution.Over the past two decades, lexical ambiguity research has sustained a theoretical dichotomy in which the processing of an ambiguous word (e.g., a homonym) is either influenced by context or impervious to it. The bulk of the research on whether context can immediately influence lexical ambiguity resolution has produced mixed results. Early studies supported the principles of modularity (see Fodor, 1983;Forster, 1979), in which the process ofword meaning activation is encapsulated and independent ofhigher level influences ofsyntax and semantics (e.g., Onifer & Swinney, 1981; Seidenberg, Tanenhaus, Leiman, & Bienkowski, 1982;Swinney, 1979). For example, Swinney presented passages aurally, each of which contained an ambiguous word, and found that lexical decision times for both contextually appropriate and inappropriate target words were faster than those for unrelated words. Seidenberg et al. (1982) also employed the crossmodal priming paradigm, but used a naming task as an index ofpriming, and found that naming latencies for target words that were related to the dominant and subordinate meanings of words with noun/verb ambiguities were faster than those for unrelated target words.More recent research has presented a challenge for the modular view of ambiguity resolution. Several studies have supported an interactive activation framework (see Marslen-Wilson & Tyler, 1987;McClelland, 1987), in which context can immediately influence meaning activation in such a way that only the contextually appropriate meaning of an ambiguous word is activated (e.g