Increasing public understanding of the biological correlates of mental illness seems not to result in better social acceptance of persons with mental illness.

Alcoholism is a particularly severely stigmatized mental disorder. Cultural differences are likely, but under-researched. We discuss possible reasons for the differences between the stigma of alcoholism and of other mental diseases and the consequences for targeted anti-stigma initiatives.

Biogenetic causal models are an inappropriate means of reducing rejection of people with mental illness.

SummaryAims – Many people suffering from serious mental illness do not seek appropriate medical help. The stigma of mental illness has often been considered a potential cause for reluctance in seeking help. We review recent evidence on this topic. Methods – Narrative review of the recent literature on stigma and helpseeking for psychiatric disorders. Results – There is proof of a particular stigma attached to seeking help for a mental problem. Anticipated individual discrimination and discrimination qua self-stigmatisation are associated with a reduced readiness to seek professional help for mental disorders. Intervention studies show that destigmatisation may lead to increased readiness to seek professional help, but other aspects like knowledge about mental diseases seem to be at least as important. The belief that seeking help for a mental health problem is actually helpful has been shown to be at the core of help-seeking intentions and thus offers a promising target for information programmes. Population based time-trend studies show that public attitudes towards help-seeking have improved over the last decade. Discussion – The relationship between help-seeking intentions and actual help-seeking needs further exploration. While many studies have been able to relate attitudes to intentions, predicting actual help-seeking has proved more difficult.Declaration of Interest: None.

The growing divide between attitudes towards schizophrenia and other mental disorders should be of particular concern to future anti-stigma campaigns.

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Objective Little is known about the consequences of tobacco smoking stigma on smokers and how smokers may internalize smoking-related stigma. This review summarizes existing literature on tobacco smoking self-stigma, investigating to what extent smokers are aware of negative stereotypes, agree with them and apply them to themselves. Methods We carried out a systematic search of Pubmed/Web of Science/PsycInfo databases for articles related to smoking self-stigma through June 2013. Reference lists and citations of included studies were also checked and experts were contacted. After screening articles for inclusion/exclusion criteria we performed a quality assessment and summarized findings according to the stages of self-stigma as conceptualized in Corrigan’s progressive model of self-stigma (aware, agree, apply and harm). Initial searches yielded 570 articles. Results Thirty of these articles (18 qualitative and 12 quantitative studies) met criteria for our review. Awareness of smoking stigma was virtually universal across studies. Coping strategies for smoking stigma and the degree to which individuals who smoke internalized this stigma varied both within and across studies. There was considerable variation in positive, negative, and non-significant consequences associated with smoking self-stigma. Limited evidence was found for subgroup differences in smokingrelated stigma. Conclusion While there is some evidence that smoking self-stigma leads to reductions in smoking, this review also identified significant negative consequences of smoking self-stigma. Future research should assess the factors related to differences in how individuals respond to smoking stigma. Public health strategies which limit the stigmatization of smokers may be warranted.