The decline of the Tiwanaku state saw the emergence of two new cultures-Pica-Tarapacá and Atacama-during the Late Intermediate Period in northern Chile. Archeological evidence suggests that both groups practised maize agriculture and pastoralism, but that their interaction zones differed significantly. Marine resources are common at Pica-Tarapacá sites, even those far from coast, while Atacama sites in the desert oases and precordilleran area seem to have directed their networks towards the highlands. Here we apply stable carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen isotope analysis on human bone and enamel to test dietary patterns and residential mobility at two sites, Pica 8 and Quitor 6, representing the Pica-Tarapacá and Atacama cultures, respectively. Our results show that diet at the two sites indeed differed: significant but variable consumption of marine resources and maize is indicated at Pica 8, despite being an inland site, while diet at Quitor 6 was based mainly on terrestrial resources. The use of seabird guano and llama dung as fertilizers and extreme aridity may have contributed to the high nitrogen isotope values observed in Pica 8 humans. The δ(18) O values in Pica 8 individuals are generally lower than for Quitor in spite of its greater distance from the Andes. All three isotopes suggest the presence of at least five nonlocals in the 30 measured at Pica 8. This evidence for human mobility is consistent with the high levels of trade and interaction observed in the archeological record, and begins to quantify the degree of movement of specific individuals.
A gradual transition to crop consumption, especially maize, is suggested. This complemented the earlier hunter-gatherer tradition of marine resources and wild fruit consumption. Contrarily to the predictions made by some archaeologists, the results obtained for northern Chile contrast with the classical perspective of a "Neolithic Revolution" in which transition to agriculture occurred more abruptly and linearly.
The archaeological record shows that large pre-Inca agricultural systems supported settlements for centuries around the ravines and oases of northern Chile's hyperarid Atacama Desert. This raises questions about how such productivity was achieved and sustained, and its social implications. Using isotopic data of well-preserved ancient plant remains from Atacama sites, we show a dramatic increase in crop nitrogen isotope values (d 15 N) from ~AD 1000. Maize was most affected, with d 15 N values as high as +30‰, with human bone collagen following a similar trend; moreover, their carbon isotope values (d 13 C) suggest a significant increase in the consumption of maize at the same time. We attribute the shift to extremely high d 15 N values -the highest in the world for archaeological plants -to the use of seabird guano to fertilise crops. Guano -"white gold" as it came to be called -thus sustained agricultural intensification, supporting a substantial population in an otherwise extreme environment.
Pica 8 is a Late Intermediate Period (AD 900–1450) cemetery located in the Atacama Desert. Burials at the site present unexpectedly high variability in δ13C (–8‰ to –16‰) and δ15N (10‰ to 24‰) values in their skeletal tissues, implying highly diverse diets. There are two possible explanations for this variability: the first is diachronic change in diet while the second involves synchronic sociocultural distinctions. To distinguish between them a radiocarbon (14C) dating program (n=23) was initiated. The presumed importance of marine foods adds the complication of a marine reservoir effect. To address this problem, paired 14C dates were obtained on human bone and camelid textiles from nine graves. The results fall into two groups, one showing an average offset of 117±9 14C yr, and the other no statistically significant offsets. We conclude that the contribution of marine foods to bone collagen at Pica 8 was less than previously supposed. Other factors must be invoked to account for the unusually high human δ15N values at the site. Manuring crops with sea-bird guano emerges as a probable explanation. No relationship with chronology is seen implying the presence of considerable diversity in diets and hence lifeways within the Pica 8 community.
En las últimas décadas los arqueólogos han tendido a examinar la problemática Tiwanaku fuera del núcleo altiplánico, principalmente en términos de acceso a recursos y/o complementariedad ecológica y religiosa, entre un centro y su periferia. Sin embargo, dominados por las ideas de Estados o imperios, estas reconstrucciones adolecen de reduccionismo económico e iconográfico, en perjuicio del entendimiento de los fenómenos políticos andinos. Dentro de esta problemática, retomamos la relación entre Tiwanaku y San Pedro de Atacama a partir de un nuevo estudio de la cerámica negra pulida de los cementerios de Solcor y Coyo, en razón del carácter fundacional que Le Paige y Tarragó le imprimieron a esta alfarería para abordar el impacto altiplánico en la región. Este análisis, en conjunto con la reciente evidencia bioarqueológica obtenida por este equipo y otros, nos permiten repensar este vínculo y avanzar hacia la compresión de una realidad social mucho más dinámica, heterogénea y desigual.Palabras claves: San Pedro de Atacama, Período Medio, cerámica negra pulida, bioarqueología.
For many years, archaeologists have examined the Tiwanaku phenomenon outside the Titicaca basin. The research has been mainly focused on economical systems, and religious and ecological complementarity between centers and their periphery in
Archaeological research in the Atacama Desert has recovered evidence of considerable cultural variability. This variability seems to have increased during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 950-1400). The oasis of Quillagua, located at the margins of the Loa River in northern Chile, between the Andes and the coast (70 km from the Pacific Ocean), has shown important evidence regarding this cultural diversity. The variety in the archaeological evidence found at Quillagua has been interpreted as the result of two different cultural influences at the oasis: the Pica-Tarapaca who occupied the coastal and inland regions to the north of Quillagua and the Atacama who occupied the oasis and fertile areas southeast of Quillagua. Here, we present the results of stable carbon, nitrogen and oxygen isotope analyses of 23 individuals recovered from the Cementerio Oriente in Quillagua, in order to test whether the observed cultural variability is also reflected in diet and mobility patterns. Results from carbon and nitrogen isotope measurements indicate the importance of marine protein, as well as a contribution of maize in the diet of some individuals. Four individuals show low delta O-18 values, suggesting a possible highland or non-local origin, whereas values for the remaining individuals are consistent with lowland populations. Together, the results support the idea that the Quillagua oasis represented an important site of interaction between the Tarapaca and Atacama cultures, with close contacts with the coast but also with the presence of individuals from the highlands. Copyright (C) 2015 John Wiley & Sons, LtdFONDECYT 1080458-1130279 112037
Pastoralism and camelid management have been essential to all aspects of pre-Hispanic Andean societies. Here, we present zooarchaeological and isotopic data on domestic camelid remains from Huaca Cao Viejo (El Brujo archaeological complex) on the northern coast of Peru, and dated to the Lambayeque/Sicán period-to characterise their biological age, diet, life history, possible geographic origin and ritual use. Domestic camelids, representing a wide range of biological ages and a high rate of polydactyly, were found as burial offerings in direct association with human funerary bundles (fardos). Direct AMS dates indicated that camelids were buried over a short period of time (AD 1022-1176) confirming the Lambayeque presence in the Chicama Valley during the first half of the Late Intermediate Period. Stable isotopic analyses were carried out on both bone collagen and hair keratin, including incremental analysis. A considerable variability in δ 13 C values at both the intraindividual and the intra-group level and a large contribution of C 4 resources to diet are shown. This clearly supports local management and camelids originating from various herds. Zooarchaeological and isotopic evidences suggest diversity in herding practices and suggest the importance of the herds in fulfilling the transportation demands for trade in goods.
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