Persian shows differential object marking. We argue that objects without the object marker rā are pseudo-incorporated in the verbal predicate; specifically, existential closure over the vP binds the event variable, and nominals in the vP are interpreted as dependent definites with respect to the event. This results in an apparent number neutrality and a maximality interpretation of pronouns typical of the E-type strategy. The semantic contribution of nominals is modeled in DRT. We also argue that weak definites in English are interpreted similar to pseudo-incorporated nominals in Persian, and offer an explanation why they are restricted to readings referring to institutionalized activities.
The paper investigates the discourse effects of bare nominal pseudo-incorporated objects in Persian. Contrary to claims that such nominals cannot be antecedents to anaphora, experimental results show that that their anaphoric potential is only somewhat reduced, compared to indefinites. This is consonant with Krifka & Modarresi (2016), according to which they are interpreted like functional definites that are dependent on the event denoted by the verb that undergo existential closure.
There are different theories about the nature of pseudo-incorporated nouns (PINs), which feature a non-specific, number-neutral interpretation. For a proper analysis it is crucial to take their anaphoric potential into account. This paper investigates if and how PINs introduce discourse referents, with evidence from Persian, and which theory matches this behavior best. We report on experiments in which the stereotypical enrichment of the number-neutral interpretation was systematically varied with two types of biases — towards a singular or a plural interpretation — and in the neutral case, when such a bias is lacking. The results of the experiments are compatible with Krifka & Modarresi (2016), which considers PIN objects as dependent singular definites (similar to weak definites) within existential closure over an event variable.
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