Das im folgenden zum ersten male gedruckte stück steht in der handschrift des Cambridger Corpus Christi Collegium 1 no. 383 seite 102 und ist wahrscheinlich jetzt nur dort überliefert. Aus mehreren fehlem des Schreibers und paläographischen gründen folgt, dass der codex nicht des Verfassers autograph, nicht einmal ihm gleichzeitig ist. Die vorläge der handschrift, vielleicht das original, ist also verloren.Der codex enthält viele angelsächsische gesetze 2 verschiedener Zeiten. Unser stück, das wir Gerefa nennen, folgt unmittelbar hinter den mehrfach 3 gedruckten und öfters kommentierten Rectitudines sinyularum personarum und ist von derselben hand wie diese, dem schriftcharakter nach zu urteilen, etwa um das jähr 1100 gesehrieben.Auch die Reclitudines sind angelsächsisch nur hier erhalten; auch sie flössen, wie Schreiberschnitzer beweisen, aus einer verlorenen vorläge. So spricht in der Überlieferung nichts dafllr, im Gerefa eine selbständige abhandlung zu sehen. Und manche gründe machen es wahrscheinlich, dass er nur die fortsetzung der Rectitudines sei. Zunächst haben beide privatarbeiten denselben zweck: sie wollen über die Verwaltung grosser landgüter belehren, einen leitfaden für den amt-1 So Schmid s. LXIII über die Rect. richtig gegen frühere. 9 Auch die Irrtümer des Schreibers lassen auf ein original schliessen, das um mehr als eine generation älter war. 3 Kemble (übers. Brandes), Sachsen in England I, 252 betrachtet die Rect. als dokument des verfallzustandes im ags. Staate. 4 S. zur übs.anm. 14. 22 f. 31. 33. 37. 47 f. 59. 77. 90. Brought to you by |
I think, that there was none at Dover and Gnildford, where not a word is said of the king's houses being decayed, though it is mentioned that their number had been reduced in other ways. On the other hand, though the general valuations give no sign that Dorsetshire was visited by any army, half the houses in Dorchester and Wareham, and nearly as many in Shaftesbory, were ' entirely destroyed since the time of Sheriff Hugh.' It is not clear that the 478 houses in Oxford were actually burnt out or abandoned; they were only ' so waste and destroyed that they cannot pay geld,' and destruetae may mean no more than destitutes. Of Robert d'Oilgi's houses only 8 were vastae, 26 others were hospitatae, though from poverty they could not pay geld, and (pace Mr. Parker) seem presumably included in the 478, for the other 248 houses in the town did pay. 4 In any case, as the county recovered, the town should have recovered its trade, its population, and its prosperity. Must we not attribute the continued decay of Oxford in 1086 to loss of its political importance, to the pressure of increased taxation, or to the extortions of sheriffs, as to which the Saxon chronicler in summing up the reign makes special complaint, that the Iring recked not how sinfully they gathered money or how much wrong they did ? The last cause appears to have naturally suggested itself to the Domesday commissioners, for we are expressly told that the decay of 74 houses at Lincoln was due 'not to the oppression of sheriffs and officers, but to misfortune, poverty, and fire.' At Norwich the burgesses are said to be omnino vastati by Earl Roger and fire and the king's geld and Waleran; while the description of the Dorsetshire boroughs seems to point to Sheriff Hugh. The country manors were protected by powerful owners, but on the towns king and sheriff pressed heavily, and it seems better, in the south, to attribute the poverty of some of them in 1086 to this cause and to fires rather than to the ravages of twenty years before. F. BASING.
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