Introduction
This article examines recent moral panics over sex education in Uganda from historical perspectives. Public outcry over comprehensive sexuality education erupted in 2016 over claims that children were being taught “homosexuality” by international NGOs. Subsequent debates over sex education revolved around defending what public figures claimed were national, religious, and cultural values from foreign infiltration.
Methods
This paper is grounded in a survey of Uganda’s two English-print national newspapers (2016–2018), archival research of newspapers held at Uganda’s Vision Group media company (1985–2005), analyses of public rhetoric as reported in internationally and nationally circulating media, textual analysis of Uganda’s National Sexuality Education Framework (2018), formal interviews with Ugandan NGO officers (3), and semi-structured interviews with Ugandan educators (3).
Results
Uganda’s current panic over sex education reignited longstanding anxieties over foreign interventions into the sexual health and rights of Ugandans. We argue that in the wake of a 35-year battle with HIV/AIDS and more recent controversies over LGBT rights, both of which brought international donor resources and governance, the issue of where and how to teach young people about sex became a new battleground over the state’s authority to govern the health and economic prosperity of its citizens.
Conclusions
Ethno- and religio-nationalist rhetoric used to oppose the state’s new sexuality education policy was also used to justify sex education as a tool for economic development.
Policy Implications
Analyzing rhetoric mobilized by both supporters and detractors of sex education reveals the contested political terrain policy advocates must navigate in Uganda and other postcolonial contexts.
The Kampala Programme for Empowering Girls, a Ugandan NGO, is part of a much larger transnational movement that aims to psychologically, economically, and politically empower adolescent girls around the world. Global girls’ empowerment advocates draw from the convergence of two lines of research: long‐standing demographic studies that correlate girls’ schooling with fewer and healthier pregnancies and western developmental psychology's concern with the adolescent girl's presumed crisis of self‐esteem. Yet, as anthropologists have long shown, the ways people grow up are culturally and historically specific. In order to “empower” young women in urban Uganda, the internationally educated, elite women running the NGO had to persuade their participants to articulate low self‐esteem, even as these young women claimed complete confidence. To do so, elite NGO officers entwined explicit feminist pedagogy with tastes for foreign foods, fashion, and travel, cultivating what I call “aspirant feminism”—a desire for membership in the transnational feminist movement because it offers pathways to social mobility that are both desirable and difficult to obtain for young Ugandan women. Paradoxically, the workshop became both the grounds for developing new aspirational capacities as well as an arena for the reproduction of class difference.
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