Copyright and reuse:Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University.Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available.Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way.Article accepted for publication in Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/xge0000175 © American Psychological Association (APA) This article may not exactly replicate the authoritative document published in the APA journal. It is not the copy of record. contrast between independence and interdependence does not adequately capture the diverse models of selfhood that prevail in different world regions. Cultural groups emphasize different ways of being both independent and interdependent, depending on individualism-collectivism, national socioeconomic development, and religious heritage. Our seven-dimensional model will allow future researchers to test more accurately the implications of cultural models of selfhood for psychological processes in diverse ecocultural contexts.Keywords: CULTURE; SELF-CONSTRUALS; INDEPENDENCE-INTERDEPENDENCE Twenty-five years ago, Markus and Kitayama (1991) published their classic article on culture and the self, proposing that people in different parts of the world tend to construe themselves in two fundamentally different ways. They argued that Western cultures are unusual in promoting an independent view of the self as bounded, unitary, stable, and separate from the social context, whereas cultures in other parts of the world emphasize an interdependent view of the self as closely connected to others, fluid, and contextually embedded. They proposed that people with independent self-construals would strive for self-expression, uniqueness, and self-actualization, basing their actions on personal thoughts, feelings, and goals. In contrast, people with interdependent self-construals would strive to fit in and maintain social harmony, basing their actions on situationally defined norms and expectations.Markus and Kitayama's (1991) proposals had a dramatic impact on social, personality and developmental psychology, challenging ethnocentric assumptions, drawing attention to cultural diversity, and providing conceptual tools for theorizing about it. Social and personality psychologists used measures and manipulations of self-construals to predict numerous outcomes: cognitive styles, well-being, self-regulation, selfesteem, communication styles, social anxiety, and pro...

Color perception can be categorical: Between-category discriminations are more accurate than equivalent within-category discriminations. The effects could be inherited, learned, or both. The authors provide evidence that supports the possibility of learned categorical perception (CP). Experiment 1 demonstrated that observers' color discrimination is flexible and improves through repeated practice. Experiment 2 demonstrated that category learning simulates effects of "natural" color categories on color discrimination. Experiment 3 investigated the time course of acquired CP. Experiment 4 found that CP effects are acquired through hue-and lightness-based category learning and obtained interesting data on the dimensional perception of color. The data are consistent with the possibility that language may shape color perception and suggest a plausible mechanism for the linguistic relativity hypothesis.This article explores the nature and origin of color categorization by considering how categorical perception (CP; e.g., Harnad, 1987), linguistic relativity (e.g., Whorf, 1940Whorf, /1956, and perceptual learning (e.g., Goldstone, 1998) are related. These three areas of inquiry overlap because, first, differences in CP across languages are one manifestation of linguistic relativity (e.g., Kay & Kempton, 1984), and, second, perceptual learning is a likely route through which language influences color cognition, and more specifically through which CP is induced. Our experiments explored whether adult color discrimination can be improved through training and whether CP is induced by learning novel color categories. We argue that if they can be, then this increases the plausibility that similar mechanisms may be involved during language learning, giving rise to relativistic effects. Before explicating this sketch of our argument further, we briefly review each of the three areas.

Roberson and Davidoff (2000) found that color categorical perception (CP; better cross-category than within-category discrimination) was eliminated by verbal, but not by visual, interference presented during the interstimulus interval (ISI) of a discrimination task. On the basis of this finding, Roberson and Davidoff concluded that CP was mediated by verbal labels, and not by perceptual mechanisms, as is generally assumed. Experiment 1 replicated their results. However, it was found that if the interference type was uncertain on each trial (Experiment 2), CP then survived verbal interference. Moreover, it was found that the target color name could be retained across the ISI even with verbal interference (Experiment 3). We therefore conclude that color CP may indeed involve verbal labeling but that verbal interference does not necessarily prevent it.

Beliefs about personhood are understood to be a defining feature of individualism-collectivism (I-C), but they have been insufficiently explored, given the emphasis of research on values and self-construals. We propose the construct of contextualism, referring to beliefs about the importance of context in understanding people, as a facet of cultural collectivism. A brief measure was developed and refined across 19 nations (Study 1: N = 5,241), showing good psychometric properties for cross-cultural use and correlating well at the nation level with other supposed facets and indicators of I-C. In Study 2 (N = 8,652), nation-level contextualism predicted ingroup favoritism, corruption, and differential trust of ingroup and outgroup members, while controlling for other facets of I-C, across 35 nations. We conclude that contextualism is an important part of cultural collectivism. This highlights the importance of beliefs alongside values and selfrepresentations and contributes to a wider understanding of cultural processes.

The motive to attain a distinctive identity is sometimes thought to be stronger in, or even specific to, those socialized into individualistic cultures. Using data from 4,751 participants in 21 cultural groups (18 nations and 3 regions), we tested this prediction against our alternative view that culture would moderate the ways in which people achieve feelings of distinctiveness, rather than influence the strength of their motivation to do so. We measured the distinctiveness motive using an indirect technique to avoid cultural response biases. Analyses showed that the distinctiveness motive was not weaker-and, if anything, was stronger-in more collectivistic nations. However, individualism-collectivism was found to moderate the ways in which feelings of distinctiveness were constructed: Distinctiveness was associated more closely with difference and separateness in more individualistic cultures and was associated more closely with social position in more collectivistic cultures. Multilevel analysis confirmed that it is the prevailing beliefs and values in an individual's context, rather than the individual's own beliefs and values, that account for these differences.

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a b s t r a c tCategory training can induce category effects, whereby color discrimination of stimuli spanning a newly learned category boundary is enhanced relative to equivalently spaced stimuli from within the newly learned category (e.g., categorical perception). However, the underlying mechanisms of these acquired category effects are not fully understood. In the current study, Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded during a visual oddball task where standard and deviant colored stimuli from the same or different novel categories were presented. ERPs were recorded for a test group who were trained on these novel categories, and for an untrained control group. Category effects were only found for the test group on the trained region of color space, and only occurred during post-perceptual stages of processing. These findings provide new evidence for the involvement of cognitive mechanisms in acquired category effects and suggest that category effects of this kind can exist independent of early perceptual processes.Crown

We report a study of Turkish color terms with four main aims: to establish the inventory of BASIC color terms; to compare this inventory with Berlin and Kay's 11 color universals; to see if Turkish is an exception to the theory by having two basic terms for blue; and if it is, to explore whether there are cognitive effects of the two blue terms. Eighty children aged from eight to 14 years and 153 adults performed a color-term list task (write down as many color terms as you can) and a subset of these two samples went on to perform a color-naming task. In the naming task, they were asked to name 65 representative color <( tiles." Measures of salience and consensus derived from the two tasks converge to suggest that Turkish has 12 basic color terms. The denotations of these terms and the glosses provided by dictionaries and Turkish-speaking consultants are consistent with 11 of the terms being Turkish tokens of Berlin and Kay's 11 universal categories. The twelfth term -lacivert 'dark blue'-lies between the foci of the universal blue and purple and its range overlaps with the dark-blue term of Russian, sinij. However, in a third phase of the investigation, the majority of informants said that lacivert 'dark blue' was a kind o/mavi 'blue', thus violating one of Berlin and Kay's criteria (noninclusion) for basicness. Thus we have the unusual, but logically possible, case of a term being used with prevalence, consensus, and specificity, while at the same time being acknowledged as a subset of another term. Whatever the status of the two blue terms, however, we found evidence that the cognitive representation of the blue region of color space may reflect the salience of the two blue terms using color grouping, similarity judgments, and same-different tasks.