This paper examines the experiences of Latino adults in South Phoenix, Arizona, during a time of changing immigration policy, through the theoretical lenses of structural vulnerability and macro- and microaggression. The analyses describe how U.S.- and foreign-born Latinos experience the effects of local immigration laws and anti-immigrant sentiment. The results suggest that while there are differences between the U.S.-born and foreign-born in perceived impacts of immigration enforcement, there are few differences in perceptions of vulnerability and no evidence of lesser psychological distress among those who are not the direct targets of immigration enforcement activities. Even if they do not feel directly at risk, most respondents express concerns for family members and others in their social networks as a result of increased attention to immigration enforcement or anti-immigrant sentiment. These shared impacts may have long-term implications for Latino communities in the United States.

As a result of US immigration and enforcement policies, Mexico has experienced the arrival of mixed-status families coming from the USA. We examine these families' experiences of return to central Mexico through the lens of a 'context of return', by focusing on how the Mexican government, particularly schools, has received returned migrants. Based on in-depth interviews with thirteen mixed-status families who returned to Mexico in 2005-2010, we show how the citizenship and legal status of the various family members determine their incorporation in Mexico. As these legal statuses are shaped by both the US context of reception and the Mexican context of return, we argue that the two contexts are intimately related and shape the contours of the families and their incorporation upon their return.

Immigration is at the forefront of national, state, and local policy struggles in the United States, and Latinx/@ immigrants have experienced increased deportations, detention, and individual threats. A mobilities perspective allows analysis to extend our view of migration beyond frameworks confined to pre-and postmigration, examining trajectories of social inclusion and exclusion that are influenced by multiple factors in the receiving country. The Immigrant Well-being Project, a community-based participatory research project involving university faculty, students, staff, and representatives from 4 community-based organizations (CBOs), was initiated in New Mexico in 2017 to better understand and promote Latinx/@ immigrant mental health and integration by creating change at multiple levels. We began these efforts by conducting an in-depth study of the mental health needs, stressors, current socioeconomic, legal, and political context, and local solutions as experienced by 24 Latinx/@ immigrants and their mixed status families. Five trajectories of immigrant integration emerged: continuous exclusion,

Objective: The insights of Latinx/@ immigrants are essential to developing interventions that better address complex multilevel phenomena impacting mental health. Despite important advances in methods that genuinely embody participatory research practices, attention to collaborative data collection, analysis, and dissemination are limited. Our aim is to describe the development and implementation of research practices to address these gaps through an emphasis on and understanding of the centrality of language in collaborative research processes. Method: Guided from the outset by community-based participatory research principles, our community–academic research partnership recognized the importance of developing and intentionally studying our collaborative processes. As part of an ethnographic interview study with 24 Latinx/@ immigrants, a community–university research team developed innovative methods, including practices related to research team meetings, data collection, analysis, and dissemination, which we documented through ongoing discussion and reflection. Results: The resulting participatory research processes were grounded in a theoretical framework of praxis and language and included six innovative and iterative stages: (a) Establishing the research team, (b) planning the interview process/data collection, (c) developing the data analysis methodology, (d) interpreting findings to adapt the intervention, (e) integrating results of the participatory process into the analysis, and (f) data analysis for dissemination. Conclusions: A focus on praxis and language revealed how the language of research structures’ power, meaning, feeling, collaboration, analysis, and transformation. We also found that bilingual participatory analytic processes have important implications with respect to achieving genuine inclusion in rigorous research that moves toward equity for Latinx/@ immigrants and other populations.

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