All nations firmly believe in the absolute sovereignty over the waters flow in their areas and that only riparian states have any legal right, apart from an agreement, to use the water from the shared river. To address some of their water concerns, the co‐riparian states compete to have more quantity of waters. Significantly, no water agreement exists between upper riparian Afghanistan and lower riparian Pakistan, despite sharing nine big and small rivers. The simmering water dispute between them on the River Kabul is rarely noted mainly because it is overshadowed by their political tensions, differences, and the dispute over the Durand Line. Using an analytical framework, this article examines three aspects of the River Kabul water dispute: its context, identifying the challenges that hinder a formalized bilateral agreement from being implemented, and its future.
One of the key terms to understand the nature of violence and conflicts world over is ‘radicalisation’. Sri Lankan case is instructive in understanding various dimensions of Islamic radicalisation and de-radicalisation, especially in South Asia. Though a small state, Sri Lanka has witnessed three radical movements, the latest being Islamic that got manifested in deadly Easter attacks of April 2019. Eco-space for Islamic radicalisation existed in the island for decades, but the rise of ultra-Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism post the end of Eelam War IV acted as a breaking point. The underlying context is perceived insecurity feeling projected by hardline Sinhala-Buddhist elements. In due course, the primary ‘other’ shifted from Tamils to Sri Lankan Muslims. Apart from inter-communal dissonance, international jihadist network also fostered radicalisation process in the island’s Muslim community. Political instability due to co-habitation issues between the then president and the prime minister was a perfect distraction from the core security and development issues. In response to the violent manifestation of radicalisation, de-radicalisation measures by the successive Sri Lankan governments were mostly military in nature. Socio-economic and political components of Islamic de-radicalisation are at the incipient stage, if not totally missing. The article suggests wide-ranging measures to address the issue of radicalisation in the island state.
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