Using Cleveland data, we replicate Roncek and LoBosco's study of the effect of proximity to San Diego's high schools on crime in their surroundings. We also examine a major alternative hypothesis whether having other non‐residential land uses in the schools’ surroundings accounts for crime in these areas. Our findings closely parallel theirs. Proximity to public high schools only increases crime on city blocks which are immediately adjacent to the schools. Second, the size of a school's enrollment is not important for explaining crime in its surroundings. The analysis of non‐residential effects supports Roncek and LoBosco's claim that crime effects are due solely to the presence of public high schools, although other land uses affect crime near private high schools. While there are differences in the exact magnitudes of the effects, the substance of their findings for San Diego generalizes well to a very different city. More generally, we argue that Wirth's early arguments about the effect of urbanism on impeding social control can be extended to the residential areas within the city.
This study presents the results of a multilevel analysis of arrest outcomes in intimate partner incidents reported to the police. Using NIBRS data for 2000 in combination with data from other sources, we investigate how arrest policies, levels of urbanization, incident circumstances and offender characteristics influence arrest outcomes in domestic violence incidents. Our results indicate that arrest outcomes for intimate partner violence are influenced not only by mandatory arrest legislation, but also by level of urbanization and incident circumstances. The findings demonstrate the need for continued research that considers agency-level as well as offender- and incident-level characteristics in accounting for arrest outcomes.
National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) data from nine states were used to develop a descriptive profile of the violent crime of robbery committed against older adults (age 65 or older). In 1996 there were 11,117 noncommercial robbery incidents and 12,700 robbery victims in the NIBRS database. Almost 95% of robbery victims were age 64 or younger and slightly more than 5% of robbery victims were age 65 or older. When it was listed as one of the offenses committed during a violent incident, robbery was almost always the most serious offense committed against victims. A few victims were robbed and murdered and some victims were raped and robbed. Most robbery victims who were age 85 or older were robbed at home, but most adults age 65–74 were robbed when performing routine activities outside of the home. When robbed, older adults (age 65 or older) were more likely to die or sustain serious physical injury than were individuals age 64 or younger. Females who were age 65 or older and males who were age 64 or younger were more likely to sustain serious physical injury when confronted by multiple offenders than were females age 64 or younger or males age 65 or older. Although adults age 65 or older are the least likely age group to become victims of violent crime, we found that male Caucasians age 65 or older were robbed more often than individuals in any other age or racial group.
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