It has been argued that the police do not respond to domestic calls involving same-sex couples in the same manner as they respond to calls involving heterosexual couples. A major problem facing researchers examining the police response to cases involving same-sex couples has been the lack of adequately sized samples. In this article, the authors utilize the 2000 National Incident Based Reporting System database, which contains 176,488 intimate partner assaults and intimidation incidents reported to 2,819 police departments in 19 states. The key issue examined is whether similar cases involving same-sex and heterosexual couples result in the same police response.

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The underreporting of sexual assault is well known to researchers, practitioners, and victims. When victims do report, their complaints are unlikely to end in arrest or prosecution. Existing research on police discretion suggests that the police decision to arrest for sexual assault offenses can be influenced by a variety of legal and extra-legal factors particularly challenges to victim credibility. Although extant literature examines the effects of individual behaviors on police outcomes, less is known about how the accumulation of these behaviors, attributions, and characteristics affects police decision making. Using data collected from the Los Angeles Police Department and Sheriff's Department, we examine one police decision point-the arrest to fill this gap in the literature. First, we examine the extent to which the effects of potential challenges to victim credibility, based on victim characteristics and behaviors, influence the arrest decision, and next, how these predictors vary across circumstances. Specifically, we examine how factors that challenge victim credibility affect the likelihood of arrest in sexual assault cases where the victim and offender are strangers, acquaintances, and intimate partners.

After several decades of research on how the criminal justice system handles reports of sexual assault, the attrition of cases at the police and prosecutor stages continues to draw the attention of policy makers, victim advocates, and academics. Such attrition has implications for thousands of victims and their alleged offenders each year. Current estimates show that significant rates of attrition persist and vary across jurisdictions. Recent work in two jurisdictions reveals a pattern of exceptional clearances being used to close sexual assault cases reported to the police and that prosecutors are weighing in at the arrest stage. Broadening this analysis we use incident data from a multitude of jurisdictions that report to the National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) in combination with data from other law enforcement sources to investigate how legal and extra-legal incident factors as well as agency factors differentiate the decision to clear cases by exceptional means from clearance by arrest. We find that 1 Downloaded by [University of New England] at 23:21 28 March 2016 2 A. Pattavina et al.agency, legal, and extra-legal factors predict the use of exceptional clearance relative to arrest and discuss how these findings suggest a downstream orientation in case processing.

In the following study, the authors examine factors that explain citizen participation in crime prevention activities in Boston. Using survey data from a random sample, census data, and official crime and arrest data, the authors identified a wide range of individualand community-based indicators that could potentially explain citizen involvement in crime prevention. Findings revealed that citizen involvement in collective crime prevention does indeed vary by the risk level of a particular neighborhood, with high-risk neighborhoods demonstrating higher rates of involvement than low-to moderate-risk neighborhoods. The authors also found that the factors that explained citizen participation varied by the risk level of the neighborhood. Overall, this research demonstrated that in high-risk neighborhoods, citizen involvement in crime prevention activities is affected by the unique blend of personal, parochial, and public social control mechanisms operating in these areas.In 2003, approximately 3.2% of all U.S. residents (1 in 32 adults) were under some form of correctional control. Although the vast majority of these 6.9 million adult offenders were being controlled in the community, very little attention has been focused on the types of communities in which these offenders reside and the consequences of offender location for both offenders and communities. However, recent federal government reentry initiatives have begun to shed considerable light on this issue. Byrne and Taxman (2004), for example, report that more than half of the 600,000 inmates released from prison in 2002 were from five states (California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas); in these states, most offenders are returning to a relatively small number of urban, high-risk neighborhoods. Even though 203 APRIL PATTAVINA:

This study presents the results of a multilevel analysis of arrest outcomes in intimate partner incidents reported to the police. Using NIBRS data for 2000 in combination with data from other sources, we investigate how arrest policies, levels of urbanization, incident circumstances and offender characteristics influence arrest outcomes in domestic violence incidents. Our results indicate that arrest outcomes for intimate partner violence are influenced not only by mandatory arrest legislation, but also by level of urbanization and incident circumstances. The findings demonstrate the need for continued research that considers agency-level as well as offender- and incident-level characteristics in accounting for arrest outcomes.

This article examines the coverage of the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) as of 2013. We use NIBRS, Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), and Supplementary Homicide Reports to assess the population coverage and index crime coverage of NIBRS. We also examine the correspondence of crime rates between the UCR and agencies that do and do not participate in NIBRS. We found that NIBRS covers 29.3% of the U.S. population and 28% of UCR index crimes. We also found that the crime rates in NIBRS jurisdictions are appreciably lower than jurisdictions that do not participate in NIBRS. As of 2013, therefore, NIBRS data are not representative of the U.S. population, crime counts, or crime rates.

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