Conventional wisdom holds that young people in Britain are alienated from politics, with some claiming that this reflects a wider crisis of legitimacy that should be met by initiatives to increase citizenship. This article addresses these areas, presenting both panel survey and focus group data from first-time voters. It concludes that, contrary to the findings from many predominantly quantitative studies of political participation, young people are interested in political matters, and do support the democratic process. However they feel a sense of anti-climax having voted for the first time, and are critical of those who have been elected to positions of political power. If they are a generation apart, this is less to do with apathy, and more to do with their engaged scepticism about 'formal' politics in Britain.2
Dominic Wring (Shama 1976;Smith and Saunders 1990; Butler and Collins 1994). This paper intends to explore the relationship from a political science perspective.
Argues that by utilizing a standard evolutionary model of marketing it is possible to map out three key stages in the development of electioneering, each of which is directly comparable with the production, sales and marketing orientations in commerce. In politics the respective phases can be labelled the propaganda, media and marketing approaches to the electorate. Using this framework the differences between the three campaign orientations become self‐evident. Interestingly, it also becomes possible to trace the similarities in approach, specifically the important, if previously largely unrecognized, role that basic marketing concepts have played in British elections since the beginning of the century. Contrary to popular perception, professional advertising and image consciousness are not legacies of the 1980s but date back to the decade following the introduction of near universal suffrage in 1918. The realization of popular television and consumer marketing in the 1950s exacerbated the need for more coherent party image management. Finally in the late 1970s and 1980s both main contenders for government underwent strategic changes akin to embracing a marketing orientation.
This article examines the rise of the UK Independence Party in Britain, and how this 'revolution' has been reported by mainstream news organisations. As a case study of the media and populism, UKIP's rise tends to confound rather than confirm some of the patterns and trends found in previous studies. There is little evidence that 'media logic' has worked to the party's advantage and the recent increase in the intensity of media coverage of UKIP is principally explained by the 'political logic' of its continued electoral advances, changes in communication policy, and a reorientation in the public relations strategies of the party and its opponents.
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