This study investigates a novel dataset comprised of a universe of 537 donations in 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between 11 February and 20 June 2020, which provides a high level of detail on China’s and Taiwan’s mask diplomacy. We describe who the main donors were, who the main recipients were, what was donated to each country, and which variables explain why some countries received more aid than others. Drawing on previous literature, the article advances understanding about the political determinants of these donations. Our findings revealed that, although seemingly uncoordinated, donations made by China’s central government, Chinese companies, cities, and foundations were strongly affected by two political determinants, namely the recipient’s partnership status with China and the One China Policy. Furthermore, aid provided by China’s Central Government was larger in autocracies than in democracies.
PurposeThe objective of this study is to address the diplomatic and economic implications of the participation of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) countries in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).Design/methodology/approachThe study examines official documents related to the BRI and LAC's signing of the Memorandum of Understanding within the framework of the BRI (MoUs) in order to look into what it means to join the BRI. Additionally, it also introduces the findings of articles in Asian Education and Development Studies' current issue published in 2020.FindingsIn LAC, the BRI does not represent a new policy, but rather the updating and rebranding of a pre-existing one. The BRI primarily consists of an official discursive framework which aims to build a coherent narrative for a wide range of different projects and policies geared toward the improvement of connectivity with China through the development of trade and investments. However, most of these projects were implemented prior to the BRI. Pragmatism lies at the core of this framework which neither has a regulated accession process nor any binding effects. As a result, the signing the MoU represents, foremost, a diplomatic mise-en-scène. The study operates under the belief that BRI membership is not dichotomous; rather, it must be observed in terms of the countries' level of participation. In line with this, the implementation of a generalized BRI policy in LAC countries would not be advisable. Moreover, it must be noted that the BRI's reach to Latin America can be rather problematic due to the fact that the latter was not initially a participant.Originality/valueThe study aims to explore the significance of the BRI beyond the official discourse and discuss the involvement of LAC countries in it. Scholars studying the BRI in other regions have noted that there is not enough information on this policy in the context of LAC.
En septiembre de 2020 se cerró en Japón un período de ocho años en los cuales gobernó el primer ministro Shinzo Abe. Uno de sus legados ha sido una política exterior activa y el reposicionamiento de Japón en el mundo. Un primer objetivo de este artículo es analizar lo que la diplomacia japonesa ha denominado el “retorno” de Japón a América Latina y el Caribe. Para ello se creó un índice de visitas gubernamentales que permite comparar por país y por año este aumento de la presencia japonesa. El segundo objetivo es analizar las posibles razones de esta revalorización de la región latinoamericana. Para ello se discuten varias hipótesis preexistentes, entre ellas una política exterior más internacionalista y determinantes económicos. En base a la literatura sobre cómo responden los países a los poderes crecientes, se plantea una tercera hipótesis que sostiene que el retorno se relaciona al aumento de la presencia de China en la región. El artículo sirve un objetivo doble, por un lado resume el debate de la literatura existente sobre las relaciones de Japón con América Latina, un tema olvidado por las Relaciones Internacionales en los últimos años, y por otro, ofrece datos nuevos que permiten observar el retorno de Japón a América Latina. A su vez, este artículo contribuye al debate sobre el rol de China en la región y sobre cómo responden los países al crecimiento de una potencia emergente.
La competencia entre Estados Unidos y China en el ámbito comercial, tecnológico y geopolítico tiene repercusiones globales. América Latina, a pesar de una creciente irrelevancia, también es una arena donde estas potencias están compitiendo. Argentina no ha quedado afuera de esta disyuntiva y al igual que otros países de la región ha intentado mantener un equilibrio entre ambas potencias, por la importancia que cada una reviste: Estados Unidos en lo financiero y China tanto en lo comercial como en materia de inversiones. En este artículo, a través de un repaso teórico, análisis de documentos oficiales y entrevistas, se analiza la política exterior de Alberto Fernández hacia China en el contexto de las divergencias entre ambos Estados. Concluimos que Argentina ha intentado de manera continua un equilibrio, aunque no implica equidistancia, ante una situación en donde los gobiernos aún no han sido presionados a optar.
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