Background During the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, states were called upon by the World Health Organization to introduce and prioritise the collection of sex-disaggregated data. The collection of sex-disaggregated data on COVID-19 testing, infection rates, hospital admissions, and deaths, when available, has informed our understanding of the biology of the infectious disease. The collection of sex-disaggregated data should also better inform our understanding of the gendered impacts that contribute to risk of exposure to COVID-19. In China, the country with the longest history of fighting the COVID-19 infection, what research was available on the gender-differential impacts of COVID-19 in the first 6 months of the COVID-19 pandemic? Methods In this scoping review, we examine the first 6 months (January–June 2020) of peer-reviewed publications (n = 451) on sex and gender experiences related to COVID-19 in China. We conducted an exhaustive search of published Chinese and English language research papers on COVID-19 in mainland China. We used a COVID-19 Gender Matrix informed by the JPHIEGO gender analysis toolkit to examine and illuminate research into the gendered impacts of COVID-19 within China. Results In China, only a small portion of the COVID-19-related research focused on gender experiences and differences. Near the end of the six-month literature review period, a small number of research items emerged on women healthcare workers, women’s mental health, and pregnant women’s access to care. There was an absence of research on the gendered impact of COVID-19 amongst populations. There was minimal consideration of the economic, social and security factors, including gender stereotypes and expectations, that affected different populations’ experiences of infection, treatment, and lockdown during the period of review. Conclusion At the outset of health emergencies in China, gender research needs to be prioritised during the first stage of an outbreak to assist with evaluation of the most effective public health measures, identifying access to healthcare and social welfare barriers amongst priority communities. Gender stereotypes and gendered differences lead to different patterns of exposure and treatment. The exclusion of this knowledge in real time affects the design of effective prevention and recovery.

PurposeChina's experience of investing in Latin America in one of the main sectors included in the BRI architecture, railways, has faced significant challenges: only one of four Chinese potential railway projects in Latin America has materialised. The purpose of this paper is to explore these challenges and to provide an explanation focusing on the importance of the “domestic politics” factor.Design/methodology/approachThe paper proposes a comparative study of four cases, developing a qualitative analysis based on an in-depth review of the literature and primary and secondary sources of information.FindingsThe findings suggest that domestic politics played a significant role in the outcomes of the Brazil–Peru Bi-Oceanic railway (changes in government), in Argentina's Belgrano Cargas modernisation project (multiple “domestic politics” factors, such as a presidential campaign), in Venezuela's failed Tinaco-Anaco high-speed train project (authoritarian turn/country's stability) and in Mexico's Querétaro-Ciudad de México high-speed train project (corruption and popular contestation). The paper suggests that one should not expect an easy or fast projection of the BRI in the region, at least in the short- and mid-term, because becoming familiar with the domestic politics of Latin American is a complex and gradual task.Originality/valueThe particular impact of the political risks related to domestic politics in the Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Latin America has not been extensively explored, especially in the railway sector. This paper intends to contribute to this literature gap by analysing four cases of Chinese investment in railways in Latin America, an area that has received little attention in the studies of the Chinese FDI in the region, and proposing an explanation of their outcomes focusing on the “domestic politics” factor.

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By the time the center-left coalition finished its two-decade rule in 2010, Chile had become the envy of South America as it made the transition, planned and implemented by the military regime in 1990, progressed AQ1 steadily to a stable democracy. One key contributor to Chile's stable transition was the change of its economy from an "authoritarian liberal exclusive model" to a "democratic liberal inclusive model" (Angell 1993).After the return to democracy in 1990, the government continued many components of the economic development model based on liberalization, privatization, and deregulation, and a tight fiscal discipline, while increased social spending was accompanied by tax increases. The average annual GDP growth of 2.4% during the 16-year Pinochet regime rose to 5.8% on average in 1990-2007; inflation dropped from an average of 27% under the dictatorship to 3% by 2005, and remained at that level; real wages stagnated during the dictatorship but doubled in the following decade; and the unemployment rate had fallen to 5%. In 2010, Chile became a member of OECD, and was considered by the IMF and