Intervention services are needed that target mobile populations who are coming from an environment of high-risk behavior to one of low-risk behavior.

A dual site project was conducted to assess determinants of injection and sex-related risk behaviors among Puerto Rican drug users. The project focused on injection drug users and crack smokers, and was conducted in East Harlem, NY and Bayamón, PR in 1996-2000. Qualitative methods included ethnographic mapping, focus groups, in-depth interviews, and observations. A survey component (East Harlem, n = 800; Bayamón, n = 400) was also conducted. Procedures to ensure integration of methodologies and comparability of data were developed. This paper describes the qualitative and survey methods used, and presents the comparative HIV risk behaviors. The integration of the two methodologies served multiple functions: each component identified issues to be addressed in the other, enhanced cross-site comparability of data, and assisted in interpretation of findings. The survey data showed high levels of risk behaviors in both communities, with significantly higher levels of risk reported in Bayamón. Conducting studies of similar ethnic groups in different communities provides opportunities to examine diverse sources of influence on risk behaviors. The integration of qualitative and quantitative methods can enhance comparability and understanding of findings, particularly when there are differences in behaviors between communities.

We tested serum samples collected in 1997 and 1998 from a cohort of 204 injection drug users (IDUs) recruited from Central and East Harlem, New York City, New York, for antibodies reactive with seven rickettsial or Bartonella spp. antigens. Rodent-associated Bartonella elizabethae and Rickettsia akari were the primary etiologic agents of interest. The testing panel also included Bartonella henselae, Bartonella quintana, Rickettsia prowazekii, Rickettsia rickettsii, and Rickettsia typhi. The highest prevalence of seroreactive serum samples (46%) was found with B. elizabethae antigens; 10% of the samples reacted with B. henselae antigens, while 2% reacted with B. quintana antigens. Reactivity to the latter two antigens was likely due to cross-reactivity with B. elizabethae antigens in most instances. Among the spotted fever group rickettsiae, 18 (9%) samples reacted with R. akari, including 10 samples (5%) that also reacted with R. rickettsii. Cross-adsorption studies demonstrated that most of the spotted fever group rickettsiae antibodies were due to R. akari infections. Among the typhus group rickettsiae, 5 samples reacted weakly to R. prowazekii antigens, and no samples reacted with R. typhi antigens. These findings suggest that Harlem IDUs are commonly exposed to two rodent-associated zoonotic agents. Further study of IDU populations may help elucidate transmission cycles of these agents in inner cities where higher levels of transmission occur.

This study examined HIV risk behavior in jail/prison among Puerto Rican drug injectors in New York (NY, n = 300) and Puerto Rico (PR, n = 200), and its relationship with later drug and sex risk behaviors. During 3 years prior to interview, 66% of NY and 43% of PR samples were incarcerated at least once. While incarcerated, 5% of NY and 53% of PR injected drugs. Few reported engaging in sex inside jail/prison (5% in both sites). Of those who engaged in risk behaviors in jail/prison, almost all reported having unprotected sex and sharing injection equipment. The impact of jail/prison risk behaviors on risk behaviors after release differed between the two sites: they were more related to subsequent sex risk behaviors in NY, and subsequent injection risk behaviors in PR. The findings indicate a need for effective drug treatment programs inside jail/prisons to reduce HIV-related risk behaviors among drug injectors during incarceration and after release.

This article investigates the association between residential status and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) risk behaviors among island and New York Puerto Rican injection drug users (IDUs). We assigned 561 subjects from New York City and 312 from Puerto Rico to five residential status categories: living in parent's home, living in own home, living in other's home, living in temporary housing (hotel, single-room occupancy [SRO] hotels), and homeless (living in streets/shelters). Dependent variables included injection- and sex-related risk behaviors (sharing syringes, sharing other injection paraphernalia, shooting gallery use, and having paid sex). Chi square, t tests, and multivariate logistic analysis tests were performed separately by site. About one-quarter of the sample in each site was homeless. Island Puerto Ricans were more likely to live with their parents (44% vs. 12%, p < .001), and more New York IDUs lived in their own home (30% vs. 14%, p < .001). In New York, gallery use and paid sex were associated with living in other's home, living in parent's home, and being homeless. Sharing paraphernalia was related to living in other's home, living in temporary housing, and being homeless. In Puerto Rico, having paid sex was associated with homelessness. High-risk behaviors were more likely among homeless IDUs in both sites. Programs to provide housing and target outreach and other prevention programs for homeless IDUs would be helpful in reducing HIV risk.

This article describes and compares distributions of drug-scene roles, frequency of engaging in role behaviors, and relationships of role-holding to high-risk behaviors and sexual partnerships among Puerto Rican injection drug users in New York and Puerto Rico. For this study 561 street-recruited injection drug users in East Harlem, New York, and 312 in Bayamón, Puerto Rico were asked the number of days (in the last 30) in which they earned money or drugs in each of seven drug-scene roles; and about behaviors and egocentric risk partner characteristics in the last 30 days. East Harlem subjects were more likely to get resources by selling drugs and syringes, and buying drugs for someone else; Bayamón subjects were more likely to be "hit doctors," buy needles for others, operate a shooting gallery, or escort others to shooting galleries. All roles were part-time except shooting gallery management in East Harlem. About 27% of respondents at each site engaged in two or more roles. Many roles were associated with increased odds of injecting more than twice a day, receptive syringe sharing, distributive syringe sharing, receptive paraphernalia sharing, and having a drug-injecting sex partner. Drug-scene role structures vary between cities. Most roles are part-time pursuits. Role-holders have higher-risk behaviors and sexual partnerships than other drug injectors. Although further research is needed, drug-scene role-holders should be targeted for interventions to affect their own risk and their communications with others.

This study examines factors related to injection and noninjection drug use during the last incarceration among injection drug users in East Harlem, New York (n = 555), and Bayamón, Puerto Rico (n = 241). Injecting drugs during the last incarceration episode was more likely in the sample in Puerto Rico (31% vs. 12%, p < .001), and noninjection drug use was more likely in the New York sample (37% vs. 14%, p < .001). Gang affiliation and length of incarceration were related to injection and noninjection drug use. Interventions for incarcerated drug users, including harm reduction efforts and drug treatment programs, should be enhanced. Further study of the role of gangs in influencing inmate HIV risk behaviors should be undertaken.

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