A questionnaire consisting of demographic items, questions about gambling behavior, the South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS), a depression inventory, the Eysenck Impulsiveness Questionnaire, Levenson's Internality, Powerful Others and Chance Scales of locus of control and the Gambling Motivation Scale, was completed by a non-random sample of 147 New Zealand university students who gambled for money, median age 24 years. Approximately 17 of the sample was classified as problem gamblers, the rest as non-problem gamblers. Multivariate analysis of variance showed that there were significant differences between problem and non-problem gamblers on gambling frequency, number of activities, parents' gambling, depression, impulsiveness and motivation, but not on locus of control. Amotivation (apathy) and motivation towards stimulation correlated with powerful others and chance locus of control, and motivation to impress others with powerful others locus of control. Hierarchical regression analysis showed that: (1) beyond gambling frequency, number of activities and parents' gambling, motivation explained a substantial proportion of variance in SOGS scores, with impulsiveness accounting for a lesser amount, and (2) predictors of problem gambling included impulsiveness, amotivation and the motivations for accomplishment and tension release. It was concluded that gambling motivation is a more useful construct than locus of control in explaining problem gambling. Suggestions were made for future research, and aspects of gambling motivation were discussed in terms of a treatment program with groups of problem gamblers.
This paper presents barriers to help-seeking data as reported by users of a national gambling helpline (help-seekers, HS, N = 125) as well as data pertaining to perceived barriers to seeking help as reported by gamblers recruited from the general population (non-help-seekers, NHS, N = 104). All data were collected via a structured, multi-modal survey. When asked to identify actual or perceived barriers to seeking help, responses indicative of pride (78% of HS participants, 84% of NHS participants), shame (73% of HS participants, 84% of NHS participants) or denial (87% of NHS participants) were most frequently reported. These three factors were also most often identified as the real or perceived primary barrier to help-seeking (collectively accounting for 55% of HS, and 60% of NHS, responses to this question) and were the only barriers to be identified by more than 10% of either HS and NHS participants without prompting. It was of note, however, that participants in both groups identified multiple barriers to help-seeking (mean of 6.7 and 12.2, respectively) and that, when presented with a list of 21 possible barrier items, NHS participants endorsed 19 of the listed items significantly more often than their HS counterparts. The implications of these findings, with respect to promoting greater or earlier help-seeking activity amongst problem gamblers, are discussed.
Research demonstrates that gambling support services often do not meet the needs of people seeking help for their gambling problems. In particular, the needs of cultural groups, and gender-specific needs of men and women are neglected. Understanding differences in help seeking behaviour can assist in developing early interventions to address gambling related problems and in developing effective strategies. This paper reviews the literature on help seeking by problem gamblers and their families, including barriers to and relevance of services through a gender and cultural lens. Research findings from international and New Zealand studies are examined, highlighting ways in which gender and culturally appropriate strategies can be implemented. Ways of changing barriers and social policies are proposed which may improve the responsiveness of services. Ultimately it may encourage health care access and utilisation for people and their families seeking help for problem gambling.
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