In this article, as have many Black women scholars in the past, we again call for collective action against anti‐blackness and White supremacy in the academy. Drawing from black feminist theory, we discuss the long history of Black women academics' activism against anti‐black racism and introduce the current movement: Black Lives Matter (BLM). Although BLM is often construed as resisting anti‐black violence outside the academy, it is also relevant for within the academy wherein anti‐blackness is likely to be manifested as disdain, disregard, and disgust for Black faculty and students. We discuss some of the ways in which anti‐blackness and liberal White supremacy are manifested in the lives of Black faculty and students, and propose that non‐Black allies have key roles to play in resisting them. Like second‐hand cigarette smoke that harms everyone in proximity, anti‐blackness and White supremacy harm us all, and a shared movement is needed to dismantle them.

In the international management (IM) literature, 'expatriate' is used as a verb in reference to the transnational movement of employees by multinational corporations (MNCs) and as a noun in reference to the people who are so moved across borders to work. IM's resulting expatriate analyses apply only to a specific minority of relatively privileged people. However, as is clear in other bodies of literature, many others ('migrants') in less privileged class positions move themselves across national boundaries for work. In this majority are often women and men -people of diverse races, ethnicities, economic and social means -who have less education and who work in lower level jobs, also often in or for MNCs. Their invisibility in the IM literature sustains and reinforces gender, race and class-based disparities in globalization processes and work to the detriment of poor women of colour around the world. We call for gendering change that would make visible the invisible in IM scholarship related to expatriation.

Purpose – This paper aims to analyze the new multi-racial hierarchy in the USA. The authors propose that despite increasing diversity, a multi-racial hierarchy of privilege and disadvantage continues to exist. Due to the history of anti-Black discrimination and stereotyping in the USA, employers prefer native and immigrant non-Blacks to native and immigrant Blacks, and use non-Blacks to claim organizational diversity success. Design/methodology/approach – The authors propose that a multi-racial hierarchy, ordered as Whites, Non-White Non-Blacks, and Collective Blacks now exists, and use history, relevant theory, existing research, and government data to support their ideas. Findings – Evidence suggests that despite increased diversity, Whites remain most privileged, Blacks least privileged, and Asians and Hispanics tend to comprise the middle of the hierarchy. Even in organizations that are “diverse,” a multi-racial hierarchy results in different compensation, promotion, and layoff rates and differential treatment across groups. Research limitations/implications – Diversity within and across different racial and ethnic groups should be investigated. Employers' apparent diversity success may obscure the continued dominance of Whites, disadvantage of Blacks, and a color-based multi-racial hierarchy. Practical implications – Analyses of human resources data could help organizations identify and avoid discrimination and inequality even in “diverse” organizations. Originality/value – This paper focuses on the meaning of a new multi-racial hierarchy in ways that have not been previously considered.

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Despite considerable attention to "valuing diversity" among scholars and practitioners, discrimination, exclusion, and inequality persist in American organizations. In particular, similarly educated African Americans typically have higher unemployment and lower earnings than other groups, and continue to face discrimination in access to jobs and in treatment at work. Black-White wage gaps are higher than they were decades ago, and without significant change, the wealth gap will take centuries to bridge. The solidarity economy, an economic framework that encourages governance that creates equity, shared prosperity, power, and ownership may help provide jobs, help build wealth, and yield other positive outcomes in African American communities. Cooperation Jackson, operating under solidarity economy principles, aims to create sustainable community development, economic democracy, and community ownership in Jackson, Mississippi, a predominantly black city plagued by poverty and unemployment. We discuss ways in which the