I demonstrate that movement is possible in Russian out of adjunct clauses and correlatives, contrary to the toy theory that views them as islands. In the case of adjuncts my examples are either those of overt movement or those which as I will argue display LF movement with pronominal resumption. The latter cases will require a re-examination of Ivlieva’s (2011) “laziness” theory of pronouns bound by universal antecedents in conditionals. The observations add to the already known cases of island violation in Russian and are put into the broader context of non-canonical extraction patterns across languages.
This paper presents a design for an experimentum crucis as to the particular type of locality found with the binding of variables ranging over so-called concept generators in the compositional semantics of de re readings of attitude reports (Percus, Sauerland 2003). The outcome of the experiment would show whether Santorio’s (2014) formulation of the locality constraint is adequate. If it is not, this will affect his technical proposal. This paper presents an alternative proposal couched in terms of agreement and thus capable of capturing a more flexible, relative kind of locality.
Статья посвящена формальному семантическому анализу высказываний о пропозициональных установках, интерпретируемых de re. Уже ставший традиционным анализ, использующий переменные по генераторам концептов (Percus, Sauerland 2003), перепорождает (Santorio 2014); мы описываем способ, каким можно проверить, адекватно ли требование локальности означивания этих переменных, сформулированное П. Санторио. В случае отрицательного результата альтернативная формализация, предложенная Санторио, окажется неадекватной. Мы предлагаем ещё одно решение, основанное на комбинации согласования (в смысле генеративистской теории признаков) и семантики альтернатив и предсказывающее относительную, а не абсолютную локальность.
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